Barack Obama, we are told, chose Joe Biden to be his running mate because he needed an older man, more experienced in foreign policy, to fill the gaps in his resume and reassure American voters that the United States would be safe under an Obama presidency. That’s true, but it is assumed that he also chose him because Biden’s views on foreign policy are not radically different from his own. Since American foreign policy still affects almost everybody in the world, that makes Biden’s views very interesting.
Joe Biden, now 65, has been a senator since he was 29. For almost half that time he has been a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which he now heads. He has been around long enough to leave plenty of evidence about his view and his reflexes, and it is safe to say that he qualifies as a liberal interventionist (or, as they say on the other side of the Atlantic, a liberal imperialist). He has never met an international problem that he didn’t think the US should help to solve.
Unlike the neo-conservatives, who are brothers under the skin to the liberal interventionists, Biden does not believe that every problem in the world can be solved by the application of US military power, but he does think that many of them can. He backed the US military intervention in Bosnia, the bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo crisis, the invasion of Afghanistan after 9/11, and the invasion of Iraq (although he subsequently had the grace to admit he was wrong and apologise for that).
Indeed, the Democratic vice-presidential candidate has even called for the use of US troops in Sudan, unilaterally if necessary. He would doubtless agree with Obama’s famous remark (over Iraq) that he was not against all wars, just against dumb ones – but Biden’s criteria for which wars are dumb wars are not very discriminating. A unilateral US military intervention in Sudan would make the Iraq fiasco look like a wise act of statesmanship.
On larger issues, by contrast, Biden has usually been a voice of moderation among the chorus of Democratic hawks vying to outdo their Republican colleagues in their hostility to Russia and their enthusiasm for the "war on terror." He did support the expansion of NATO right up to Russia’s frontiers (and visited Georgia immediately after the recent fighting), but he has resisted the temptation to paint Russia as the Soviet Union in sheep’s clothing. And his contempt for the "war on terror" has been consistent and exemplary.
"Terror is a tactic," Biden has said. "Terror is not a philosophy." It is a mantra that everybody in US politics should be required to chant each morning before work, even if it is slightly inaccurate. ("Terror" is actually an emotion. "Terrorism," however, is a tactic – a political tool or technique, more precisely – that can be used in support of a wide variety of causes. It is as misleading to declare war on terrorism as it would be to declare war on propaganda.)
Knowing this has enabled Biden to concentrate (most of the time, at least) on the need to eliminate the particular groups of terrorists that had attacked the United States, who were mostly located in Afghanistan and Pakistan. When he briefly supported the invasion of Iraq, he did not do so out of an ignorant belief that Saddam Hussein had links with those terrorists. It was his liberal interventionism that drove his decision, combined with a naive belief that the US intelligence services would not bend the evidence on Iraq’s alleged weapons of mass destruction to serve the president’s purposes.
So that is Joe Biden’s take on foreign policy, and it probably isn’t vastly different from Barack Obama’s. The difference lies mostly in the "experience" factor, which tells you all you needed to know about the value of experience in these matters. It is Biden’s long residence at the heart of the Washington political/military/intelligence machine that makes him such a conventional character.
All that stuff about Obama being "not ready to lead" is simply a coded warning that he might not lead in the time-honoured, conventional way. John McCain certainly would, and so would have Hillary Clinton if she had won the Democratic nomination The selection of Joe Biden as his running mate is intended to allay those fears by linking Obama to someone who is deeply embedded in the conventional wisdom, but it doesn’t actually prove that Obama is too.
There is still room for suspicion that Barack Obama harbours a secret desire to lead move American foreign policy in a quite different direction, away from the traditional great-power realpolitik and the occasional forays into liberal interventionism. That would probably appal Biden, and it would horrify the rest of the Washington establishment.
Vice-presidents don’t have a veto, so the choice of Biden poses no problem there. But the Washington establishment probably does have a veto, so whatever Obama intends, Biden will not be disappointed by the outcome.
Thursday, August 28, 2008
An Obama-Biden Foreign Policy
Thursday, August 21, 2008
အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိ ဘယ္သူသတ္သလဲ?
အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိေၿပာလုိုက္ရင္မသိတဲ့လူမရွိသလုိ အတုယူရမယ့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္လည္းၿဖစ္တယ္။
ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္လာရင္သာမွေန သေဘာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ အမွားအမွန္ကုိခဲြၿခားသိၿမင္ၿပီး အမွန္ဖက္ကုိလုိက္ရမယ္ဆုိတာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တုိင္းသိၾက၏။ သိၾကေပမယ့္ တစ္ခ်ဳိေခါင္း္ေဆာင္ေတြအမွန္ဖက္္ကုိမလုိက္ရဲၾကေပ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ သားေတြသမီးေတြ မိသားစုေတြ နွင့္ ရာထူးေတြၿပဳတ္မွာဆုိးေသာေၾကာင့္ၿဖစ္၏။သုိ ့ေသာ္အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာက အဲဒီစိတ္ဓာတ္မ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ အမ်ားၾကဳိက္အမ်ားလက္ခံထု္ိက္သည့္အလုပ္ကုိပဲအမ်ားဖက္ကမားမားမတ္မတ္
အၿမဲရပ္တည္တဲ့စိတ္ဓာတ္ရွိ၏။ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းေၿပာရဲဆုိရဲ၏။
သူေတာ္ေကာင္တုိင္းကုိလူမုိက္ေတြကမၾကဳိက္ၾကဘူးဆုိတာအဘကဲ့သုိ႔သာဓကေတြ အေၿမာက္အမ်ားရွိခဲ့ၾက၏။ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းအၿမဲေၿပာေလ့ရိွတဲ့အဘကုိလူသတ္သမား လူမုိက္တစ္စုကမၾကဳိက္ရုံသာမကအဘကုိရက္ရက္စက္စက္သတ္ပစ္္လုိက္၏။ ပညာရွင္ေတြကအဘကုိ၀မ္းနည္းႏွေျမာမိၿပီးလူမုိက္တစ္စုက အဘေသသြားတာကုိ၀မ္းသာၿပီးလက္ခုတ္ေတြတီးၾက၏။
ဒါကသဘာ၀ၿဖစ္၏။အဘေသသြားတာကုိတစ္ကမၻာလုံးကသိၾကေပမယ့္အဘကုိ ဘယ္သူလက္ခ်က္ဘယ္သူသတ္သလဲဆုိတာမေရးတတ္မေၿပာတတ္ၾကေပ။
ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကစာေရးဆရာတစ္ေယာက္မဟုတ္ေပမယ့္လုိအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို
အနည္းငယ္ၿဖည့္စြက္ခ်င္၏။
တစ္ခ်ဳိ ့ကအဲဒီအေၾကာင္းရာကုိမေရးနဲ႕ လူမ်ဳိးထိခုိက္တယ္လ႔ုုိ ကြ်န္ေတာ္္ကုိတားၿမစ္ၾကတာလည္းရိွသည္၊ ္။ဒါေပမယ့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကလက္မ မေကာင္းလက္မ ေၿခမမေကာင္းေၿခမပဲလို ့ခံယူခ်က္ရွိ၍ အဲဒီမွန္ကန္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကုိေရးရင္ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးထိခုိက္မည္မဟုတ္ ထိခုိက္ေအာင္လဲ ရည္ရယ္ခ်က္မရိွပါ။ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ကရင္ၿပည္နယ္မွာလူမုိက္ေတြက္ိုအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားေေတြ႔ ဘူး၏။အဘကုိသတ္တဲ့လူမုိ္က္ထက္မုိက္တဲ့သူကမၻာမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္မေတ႔ြြ ဖူူးပါ။အဲဒီလူက ကရင္ၿပည္နည္၊လွိဳင္ဘဲြ ့ၿမိဳ ့နယ္ ထီလုံေက်းရြာက နွစ္မုိင္ေက်ာ္ကြာေ၀းတဲ့ မုခုိးရြာသား D.K.B.A.စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးၿဖစ္သည္္။ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးဟာ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ ၀င္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္ၿပီး လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္နွစ္ေက်ာ္ကၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးသူေတြထဲမွာ နာမယ္ေက်ာ္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္တယ္။ဗုိလ္ကုိးလုံးက်ဆုံးၿပီးေနာက္ ၿမဳိင္ၾကီးငူအ ေနာက္ ဘက္ၿခမ္း ကမာ့ေမာင္းနယ္၊ထီ့သဒန္းထားေက်းရြာ ဗုိလ္ကုိးလုံးတူမအရင္းၿဖစ္ ေသာ ဆရာမေနာ္ဘန္းနဲ ့လက္ထပ္ခဲ့တယ္။သူတုိ႔ ဟာ ၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္နာမည္ပ်က္ခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္၊ ေရႊြကုကၠဳိ္ ဗုိလ္ခ်စ္သူနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရး အတူူလုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ကနအဖနဲ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ထိန္ေမာင္ရဲ့သမက္လုပ္ၾကံခံရတာကုိ္ုK.N.U လက္ခ်က္ဟု နအဖနဲ႔သူရဲ့ေနာက္လုိက္တစ္စုကဘာအေထာက္အထားမွမရပဲ ထင္ေရာင္ထင္မွားခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ဒါေၾကာင့္နအဖက ေနာက္ကေနၾကဳိးကုိင္ၿပီးK.N.U.ေခါင္းေဆာင္ကုိၿပန္ကလက္စားေခ်ဖုိ႔အတြက္D.K.B.A ေခါင္းေဆာင္လူမုိက္ၾကီးဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးသည္ခုိင္းႏြားတစ္ေကာင္ပမာသူ႔ရဲ့ေနာက္လုိက္ တပည့္ ၇ ေယာက္နဲ႔ အတူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးအဘမန္းရွာကုိသတ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ထုိင္းဘတ္ေငြ နွစ္သိန္းေပးမယ္ ဟု နအဖရဲ႕ မက္လုံးေပးျခင္းကုိ ခံရၿပီး လူမုိက္ႀကီး ေခ်ာင္ၿပံဳးသည္ နဂုိၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးၿပီးရလာတဲ့ေငြေတြကုိမေရာင့္ရဲနုိင္ပဲ နအဖေၿမာက္ေပးတဲ့ ေငြေတြ ကုိၿမင္လိုက္တာနဲ႔လူမုိက္ၾကီးခ်က္ခ်င္းခုိင္းတဲ့အတုိင္းလုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။လူမုိက္ၾကီးဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးဟာ အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိသတ္ၿပီးတာနဲ႔ဗုိလ္ခ်စ္သူထံသုိ႔သြားၿပီ သူ႔အသက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအတြက္ေတာင္ခံတာကုိဗုိလ္ခ်စ္ကသူလုံၿခဳံေရးမယူေပးနုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ေၿပာ
ၿပီး သူ႔တပည္ ၇ ေယာက္နဲ႔အတူ နအဖစစ္တပ္ရွိၿမ၀တီသုိ႔သူ႔အသက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအတြက္္ ေတာင္းခံၿပန္တယ္။စစ္တပ္လည္းလုံၿခဳံေရးမယူေပးနုိင္တဲ့အတြက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအရိွဆုံးလုိ႔ထင္ရတဲ့့ၾကပ္ေၿပးေနၿပည္ေတာ္သုိ႔ေခၚသြားၿပီးအခုထိဘာမွမၾကားေတာ့ဘူး။
ဒါေၾကာင့္အဘမန္းရွာကုိ သတ္တဲ့သူက နအဖ ခုိင္းတုိင္းလုပ္ေပးေနၿမဲ ၿဖစ္ေသာ (D.K.B.A) တုိးတက္ေသာကရင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာအသင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ တုိးတက္ေသာေတာင္ေပၚကေစတီေတာ္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ့မိသားစုအတြက္သာ ၿဖစ္ေသာ လူသတ္သမားေခါင္ေဆာင္ ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံး သာၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားတင္ၿပလုိက္ပါသည္။
ေမႊးေမႊး ကရင္ၿပည္နယ္သား
ေမႊးေမႊးဆီမွ အီးေမးလ္ကေနတဆင့္ ေရာက္ရိွလာေသာ စာအတုိင္းတင္လုိက္သည္၊
Friday, August 15, 2008
ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသား႐ိုးရာ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာပြဲေတာ္ က်င္းပ
ယေန႔က်ေရာက္သည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတို႔၏ ႐ိုးရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္း အနားကို ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ မယ္ပေတာရဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းတြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။
၎ပြဲေတာ္ကို အေဝးေရာက္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၊ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ႏွင့္ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသားညီအကို ေမာင္ႏွမမ်ား တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား ဆြမ္းကပ္ျခင္း၊ ႐ိုးရာေတးသီခ်င္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
“ဒီပြဲေတာ္ကိုက်င္းပတဲ့ဆိုတာက ဟိုအရင္တုန္းလူႀကီးေတြက ယံုၾကည္မႈနဲ႔လုပ္တာပါ၊ မ်က္ ေမွာက္ေခတ္က်ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေတြၾကားမွာ စည္းလံုးညီၫြတ္မႈရွိဖို႔အဓိက ထားၿပီးလုပ္တာပါ” ဟု ကရင့္႐ိုးရာပြဲျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေရးေကာ္မတီအတြင္းေရးမွဴး မန္းမ်ဳိးျမင့္က ေျပာသည္။
ကရင့္႐ိုးရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္းအနားကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ ဝါေခါင္လတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္က်င္းပ ေလ့ရွိၿပီး ေရွးကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အယူအဆအရ ယခုလသည္ မေကာင္းဆိုးဝါးမ်ား ေပ်ာ္ျမဴးသည့္လျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ၎ဝိဉာဥ္မ်ား သားသမီးေျမးျမစ္မ်ားအေပၚ က်ေရာက္ျခင္း မရွိေစရန္ အေဆာင္အေယာင္ (၇) မ်ဳိးနဲ႔ စီမံထားသည့္ ခ်ည္ျဖဴမွ်င္ျဖင့္ လက္မွာပတ္ၿပီး အကာ အကြယ္ျပဳလုပ္သည့္ပြဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎ကဆက္လက္ေျပာသည္။
ပြဲေတာ္သို႔တက္ေရာက္လာသည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသူတဦးက “တႏွစ္တခါ က်မတို႔ ကရင္႐ိုးရာ လက္ခ်ည္ပြဲ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕႐ိုးရာပြဲျဖစ္လုိ႔လားေတာ့မသိဘူး၊ အရမ္းေပ်ာ္ပါတယ္၊ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေမာင္ႏွမေတြ ဒီမွာလာဆံုၾကတာေပါ့၊ အေျခအေနအရပ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ့္ၿမိဳ႕ကုိယ္ရြာမွာ မေပ်ာ္ခဲ့ရတာ ႏွစ္ (၂ဝ) ေလာက္ရွိၿပီ၊ ကုိယ့္ျပည္နယ္မွာသာ လုပ္ရရင္ေတာ့ ပိုေပ်ာ္မွာေပါ့” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယေန႔က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသား႐ိုးရာ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္းအနားကို ထိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း (၁၇) ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသား မ်ားမွာလည္း ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ႐ိုးရာပြဲေတာ္မ်ား က်င္းပေလ့ရွိေၾကာင္း ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
“ဒီလိုပြဲေတာ္ေတြဆိုရင္ စိတ္ထဲမွာ အရမ္းဘဲခံစားရတယ္၊ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္လူထုေတြ သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာ အမ်ားႀကီးဘဲ ေရာက္ေနၾကတယ္၊ တကယ္တမ္း ကုိယ့္ႏိုင္ငံ က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အစိုးရေတြသာ ေကာင္းရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကရင္လူထုေရာ၊ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေရာ အားလံုး႐ိုးရာပြဲေတြကို လုပ္ႏိုင္မွာေပါ့၊ သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံမွာ လာလုပ္ရတဲ့အခါၾကေတာ့ သိပ္ေတာ့ မေပ်ာ္ရဘူး” ဟု ၎ကဆက္လက္ေျပာသည္။
စစ္အစိုးရအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား၏ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ား ႏွင့္ ႏွစ္က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ႐ိုးရာပြဲေတာ္မ်ားကို တားျမစ္ပိတ္ပင္မႈမ်ားရွိေနၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ေနထိုင္ရာေဒသမ်ားတြင္လည္း လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားကို က်ဴးလြန္ေနလွ်က္ရွိသည္။
Yoma news
Thursday, August 14, 2008
အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို ေလးစားဖို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ - ရုရွားကို တိုက္တြန္း
အရင္ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြကို ရပ္ဆိုင္းဖို႔ သေဘာတူညီၿပီး ေနာက္တရက္အၾကာမွာ - ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ရုရွားစစ္တပ္သံုး ယာဥ္ေတြဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယံ ပိုင္နက္အတြင္းထဲအထိ တိုး၀င္ေနတုန္းပဲလို႔ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က အခုလို ေျပာဆို သတိေပးလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဗီြအိုေအ သမၼတ အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ သတင္းေထာက္ Scott Stearns က သတင္းေပးပို႔ထားပါတယ္။
ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ကတိက၀တ္ အတိုင္း ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းက စစ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကို ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားၿပီး ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ရက္အတြင္း ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာအတြင္းပိုင္းထဲအထိ ၀င္ေရာက္ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ခဲ့တဲ့ သူ႔တပ္ေတြ အားလံုးကိုလည္း ျပန္လည္ ရုတ္သိမ္းမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း သမၼတဘုရွ္ ကေတာ့ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံ ဂိုရီၿမိဳ႕ အေရွ႕ဖက္ျခမ္းမွာ ရုရွားတပ္ေတြ ေနရာယူထားတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ စိုးရိမ္ပူပင္မိပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ ႏိုင္ငံကို အေရွ႕အေနာက္ ျဖတ္ထားတဲ့ လမ္းမႀကီးကို ပိတ္ပင္ထားသလို ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ရွကစ္ဗီလီကိုလည္း စစ္ေရး ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈ ရိွေစပါတယ္။ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာရဲ႕ Poti ဆိပ္ကမ္းၿမိဳ႕မွာလည္း ရုရွားတပ္ေတြ ၀င္ေရာက္ ေနရာယူထားတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ အေပၚမွာလည္း စိုးရိမ္မကင္း ျဖစ္ရပါတယ္။ ဒီကေန ရုရွားစစ္သံုးယာဥ္ ေတြဟာ ဆိပ္ကမ္းကို ပိတ္ဆို႔ထားၿပီး ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ သေဘၤာေတြကို တိုက္ခိုက္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြလည္း ထြက္ေနပါတယ္။”
ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးနဲ႕ ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးတို႔ နဲ႔အတူ သမၼတအိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ ျမက္ခင္းျပင္မွာလုပ္သြားတဲ့ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပဲြ မွာေတာ့ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု အေနနဲ႔ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းက် ေရြးျခယ္ခံရတဲ့ အစိုးရ နဲ႔အတူ ရပ္တည္သြားမယ္လို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာ ပိုင္နက္နယ္ေျမကို ေလးစားရမယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အခိုင္အမာ ကိုင္စဲြထားပါတယ္။ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အစိုးရ အေျပာင္းအလဲ လုပ္ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မရိွဘူး ဆိုတာကိုလည္း ရုရွားက ေျပာထားပါတယ္။ ရုရွား အေနနဲ႔ ဒီကတိက၀တ္ ကို ေလးစား လိုက္နာမယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာကပါ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားပါတယ္။”
သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွဟာ ဒီမတိုင္ခင္ကေတာ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ သမၼတ Mikheil Saakahvili နဲ႔ေရာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျဖစ္ဖို႔ ၾကား၀င္ ၫိႇႏိႈင္း ေပးေနတဲ့ ျပင္သစ္သမၼတ နီကိုးလပ္ ဆာကိုဇီ နဲ႔ပါ စကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ အေနနဲ႔ အခုဆိုရင္ သမၼတ ဆာကိုဇီနဲ႔ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေဆြးေႏြး တိုင္ပင္မႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ကြန္ဒိုလီဇာရိုက္စ္ ကို ျပင္သစ္ကို ေစလႊတ္ထားပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဟာ ရွကစ္ဗီလီ ကိုလည္း သြားၿပီး ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ အစိုးရကို အေမရိကန္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံထားတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း စကားပါးဖို႔လည္း ရိွတယ္လို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ဒီခရီးစဥ္မွာေတာ့ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံကို အကာအကြယ္ ေပးဖို႔ရာ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ကမၻာက စုေ၀းတိုင္ပင္မႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔ သူမက ဆက္ႀကိဳးစားသြားမွာပါ။”
အေမရိကန္စစ္တပ္ဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာကို လူသားခ်င္းစာနာတဲ့ အကူအညီေတြ ေပးေရးအတြက္ ဦးေဆာင္သြားရာ ေရာက္မယ္လို႔ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။ အရပ္သားျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ ဒီအကူအညီ အေထာက္အပံ့ေတြ ေပးရာမွာ ပင္လယ္ဆိပ္ကမ္း ေလဆိပ္ ကုန္းလမ္းနဲ႔ ေ၀ဟင္ စတဲ့ လမ္းပမ္းသယ္ယူ ပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး ဆက္သြယ္ေရး ကိစၥေတြ အသံုးျပဳ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အတြက္ ရုရွားဖက္က ကတိက၀တ္အတို္င္း လိုက္နာမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းလည္း သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
၂၁ ရာစု ကမၻာႀကီးရဲ႕ သံတမန္ေရး ႏိုင္ငံေရး စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးဆိုင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္ေတြမွာ ရုရွားတို႔ ပူးေပါင္း ပါ၀င္လာႏိုင္ေရးမွာ အေမရိကန္ဖက္က အရင္က အေထာက္အကူ ျပဳေပးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အခုလို ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုက္တဲ့ ကိစၥေၾကာင့္ ရုရွားရဲ႕ ဒီရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြဟာ အခု ထိခိုက္လာႏိုင္ေခ် ရိွပါတယ္။ အခု လုပ္တဲ့ ကိစၥက ဒီလို ကမၻာ့အဖဲြ႔အစည္း ကမၻာ့ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းႀကီးရဲ႕ အေျခခံမူေတြနဲ႔လည္း မကိုက္ညီပါဘူး။ ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္၊ ဥေရာပ သမဂၢနဲ႔ အျခားႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔ ပ်က္ျပားသြားတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ျပန္ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ ဆိုရင္ - ကမၻာမွာ သူ ရခဲ့တဲ့ေနရာ ျပန္ရဖို႔ ဆိုရင္ အခု သူေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားေတြအတိုင္း လိုက္နာၿပီး ဒီျပႆနာႀကီးကို အဆံုးသတ္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။”
အခု ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာအေရးအခင္း နဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ေတာ့ NATO (ေနတိုး) ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ား အေရးေပၚ အစည္းအေ၀းကို အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ေခၚယူထားပါတယ္။ ဒီအစည္းအေ၀းကို လာမယ့္ ရက္သီတင္းပတ္ အေစာပိုင္းမွာ က်င္းပဖြယ္ ရိွၿပီး ရုရွား အေနနဲ႔ ကေတာ့ ေလ့လာသူေနရာကေန တတ္ေရာက္ခြင့္ ရမွာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ေနတိုးဖက္ကေတာ့ ေျပာပါတယ္။ VOA News
Friday, August 8, 2008
Analysis: Asia after Bush
US President Bush spelled out a series of bilateral successes with Asian countries based on core American values and perceptions of security and prosperity. His emphasis on bilateralism over regionalism and multilateralism will be his principal legacy for future US engagement in Asia.
What was included in President George W Bush's major foreign policy speech in Bangkok was as important as that which was omitted. His overarching paradigm of freedom, prosperity and security and what he saw as the overall achievements of his two terms in office were unsurprising. But the good news for Mr Bush's successor is that the outgoing president's approach towards Asia leaves much room for manoeuvre, much space in which to operate.
With a wide array of Asian countries to choose from in delivering his remarks prior to his final destination of the Beijing Olympics, Mr Bush's choice of stopovers in Seoul and Bangkok were symbolic and testimony to America's longstanding priorities in Asia. South Korea and Thailand, two formal treaty partners of the United States, have formed linchpins in Washington's engagement with the region since World War Two.
The Korean War was a watershed in the 1950s during the Cold War. Its unfinished business over Korean reunification and the ongoing de-nuclearisation of North Korea remains a thorny issue and the main focus of Mr Bush's dealings with East Asia.
That Thailand was picked for the second leg of the overseas visit and venue for the major policy recap of the Bush years, is equally significant.
Thai-US relations have just reached a milestone of 175 years, the oldest relationship in these parts. Bangkok's anti-communist support during the Cold War never wavered. Thailand is not just a treaty partner but a major non-Nato ally. It struggled through a coup period and has returned to democratic rule. Mr Bush acknowledged this point but skipped the contested nature of Thai democracy, its prolonged crisis and stalemate.
Thailand's geography also made sense for Mr Bush's second Asia policy focus on Burma. Yet the president's brief reference to Burma's military regime and repression was surprisingly light. A full-blown castigation of the Burmese generals could have caused considerable discomfort for Bangkok, which has just assumed the chair of Asean, which includes Burma. As a next-door neighbour to Burma, Thailand risked tensions with the State Peace and Development Council if it allowed Mr Bush a springboard to castigate the Burmese generals.
Instead, Mr Bush and his wife used less official venues to make their points, featuring his lunch with leading Burmese dissidents and her high-profile visit to a refugee camp on the Thai-Burmese border. The cause of Burma's freedom, democracy and human rights was poignantly served but whether Mr Bush and his wife's gestures will make any difference on the ground is doubtful.
Under Mr Bush's watch, Washington's sanctions upon sanctions on Burma's military junta have been frustrated and overcome by the generals, and may have been counter-productive and detrimental in their unintended effect of exacerbating the people's hardship.
What Mr Bush skipped was the roles of India, China and Asean in effectively allowing the SPDC to go on. Mr Bush's successor will have ample opportunities to rebalance Washington's Burma policy to combine selective engagement with increased leverage on the big players in Burma's neighbourhood.
What Mr Bush highlighted as his accomplishments - alliance formation and reinforcement, pursuit of values such as freedom and democracy, Asia-Pacific growth and prosperity, and concerted efforts to "confront challenges", is an updated version of the Bush Doctrine, minus the primacy of security and the concept of pre-emption back in vogue in the wake of the Sept 11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington.
But here is where Mr Bush's omission is the most glaring. The war on terror, particularly in Iraq and to a lesser extent in Afghanistan, has been a grand US misadventure. It was misguided, and has failed for all intents and purposes. It has sapped the energy and resources which could have gone into what Mr Bush considers his success in Asia.
China was the third primary focus. Mr Bush was measured in his assessment, citing Beijing's role in the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear disarmament and the maintenance of cross-straits status quo i.e. neither Chinese takeover of the island nation nor Taiwanese declaration of independence. But Beijing was naturally chastised for its lack of freedom and human and religious rights. The more critical comments on China were best said in Bangkok, before the president arrives in Beijing.
The thrust of Mr Bush's remarks spelled out a series of bilateral successes with Asian countries based on core American values and perceptions of security and prosperity. Mr Bush's emphasis on bilateralism over regionalism and multilateralism will be his principal legacy for future US engagement in Asia.
The new administration from next January will have to ponder whether a broader conceptualisation of engaging Asia as a region by signing Asean's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and joining the inchoate regional architecture such as the Asean Plus Three, East Asian Community-building, and East Asia Summit, is in America's greater interest. The events of Sept 11 were Mr Bush's misfortune as they have subsequently defined his rule.
The next president will have more latitude to refashion US foreign policy in Asia with less of the baggage from the war on terror. He should see Asia as much more than just North Korea in the northeast and Burma in the southeast. In view of China's rise and nuanced handling of Asia, it behooves Washington to engage the region as an integrated partner, not on a bilateral basis but as a major architect of Asian regionalism.
By Thitinan Pongsudhirak, Director of the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University
Sunday, August 3, 2008
why we are so different ?
-All things are difficult before they are easy...
-To teach is to learn twice...
-A rich person is not the one who has the most, but the one who needs the least.
-The only thing that comes to us w/o effort is old age..
are you still complaining?
Observe around you and be thankful for all that you have in this transitory lifetime.
We are fortunate, we have much more than what we need to be content.
Let’s try not to feed this endless cycle of consumerism and immorality in which this
“Modern and advanced” society forgets and ignores the other two thirds of our brothers and sisters
Let’s us complaining less and give more!
Monday, July 28, 2008
ခုိင္မြန္ေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ စကၤာပူပညာေရးခရီးအေတြ႔အႀကံဳ
arrived in Singapore when I enrolled for the Diploma in Hospitality and Tourism Business with The Tourism Academy @ Sentosa in May 2005.
The first thing I realized was that the teaching methods used at The Tourism Academy were different from Myanmar. Adjusting to the new methods was difficult at first. However, our lecturers were helpful and provided guidance to encourage independent learning and instilled confidence in us.
At The Tourism Academy, we were also encouraged to learn and work in small groups through group projects. As group members come from different countries like China, Indonesia, Vietnam and Malaysia, we speak English with different accents and also understand certain terms differently. So in our first term, effective communication on academic subjects was often a challenge. Over time, I developed communication skills that helped to overcome the challenges.
Studying and living in Singapore has been very good. As the tourism facilities and services in Singapore are more developed than those in my country, I have had opportunities I would not otherwise have had to pick up practical knowledge and skills. Public transportation is safe and convenient. The variety of food available is numerous and I can find my favourite Myanmar dishes at ‘Little Myanmar’ near City Hall MRT station. As my family is in Singapore, I do not have to think about grocery shopping, laundry and cleaning the house or paying utility bills which most of my classmates have to think about too. They tell me they have become much, much more independent as a result.
I graduated on 21st of May 2007. When I look back, I realized I have been exposed to challenges at The Tourism Academy that allowed me to cultivate confidence in my own abilities and develop skills to prepare me for the industry. I plan to work for at least a couple of years before pursuing a degree. I am proud of what I have achieved and look to my future with confidence.
Sunday, July 20, 2008
ေၾကြလြင့္သြားေသာ ၾကယ္တစ္ပြင့္
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၁၄-ရက္၊ ညေန ၄-နာရီ မီနစ္-၄၀ အခ်ိန္တြင္ ေကအန္ယူအေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ဗဒုိမန္းရွာလာမန္း သည္ အမည္မသိ ေသနတ္သမားႏွစ္ဦး၏ လုပ္ၾကံမႈေၾကာင့္ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေနအိမ္တြင္ ကြယ္လြန္သြားေၾကာင္း သိရပါသည္။
မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသတစ္ဦးျဖစ္သူ၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ အိမ္ေရွ့မွာ ကားအနက္တစ္စီးရပ္ၿပီး ကားေပၚမွ လူႏွစ္ေယာက္ဆင္းလာကာ အိမ္ေရွ႕ေလွကားေပၚတက္လာၿပီး လက္ထဲတြင္လည္း သစ္သီးထည့္ထားေသာ ျခင္းတစ္လုံးကုိင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဦးေလးထုိင္ေနရာ အိမ္ေရွ႕၀ရန္တာသုိ႔ သြားကာ ဦးေလးမဂၤလာပါ ဆုိသည္ကုိ ကရင္လုိေျပာဆုိႏႈတ္ဆက္ၿပီး ရင္ညြန္႔ကုိ ေသနတ္နဲ႕ ႏွစ္ခ်က္ပစ္လုိက္တာ ေနရာတြင္ ပဲြခ်င္းၿပီး ေသဆုံးသြားတယ္၊
ဗဒုိမန္းရွာသည္ ၁၉၄၃-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေအရာ၀တီတုိင္း ပန္းတေနာ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ ေမြးဖြားေသာ ပုိးကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားတစ္ဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး ၁၉၆၂-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသုိလ္သုိ႔ တက္ေရာက္ပညာသင္ၾကားခဲ့ကာ ၁၉၆၆-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ သမုိင္းဘာသာရပ္ျဖင့္ ဘဲြ႕ရၿပီး ၁၉၆၇-ခုႏွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လတြင္ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတပ္သုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္၊ ၁၉၈၄-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေကအန္ယူအရန္ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီ၀င္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၁၉၉၀-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီ၀င္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္၊ ၁၉၉၅-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေကအန္ယူတဲြဖက္ ေကအန္ယူကြန္ကရတြင္ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးအျဖစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံရကာ ကြန္လြန္သည့္အထိ တာ၀န္မ်ားကုိ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္၊
ဗဒုိမန္းရွာ၏ စ်ာပနအခမ္းအနားကုိ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ ၁-၂-၂၀၀၈ တြင္က်င္းပခဲ့သည္၊ သူ၏ကြယ္လြန္ခ်ိန္တြင္ သမီးႏွစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သည့္ နန္႕ဘြာဘြာမန္း၊ နန္႕ဇုိရာဖန္းႏွင့္ သားႏွစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သည့္ ေစာေစးေစးႏွင့္ စလုံဖန္းတုိ႔ ညီအစ္ကုိေမာင္ႏွမေလးေယာက္က်န္ရစ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။
ေစာေစးေစးမွလဲြၿပီး က်န္သားသမီးသုံးဦးမွာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားတြင္ ပညာသင္ၾကားလ်က္ရွိသည္။
Thursday, July 17, 2008
ဖဒိုမန္းရွာ လုပ္ၾကံခံရမႈကို စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေပးရန္ ၿဗိတိသွ်အမတ္မ်ားက ေတာင္းဆို
နယူးေဒလီ။ ။ ၆ဝ ဦးခန္႔ရွိေသာ ၿဗိတိသွ်ပါလီမန္ အမတ္မ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသား သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးျဖစ္ေသာ ဖဒိုမန္းရွာလဖန္ လုပ္ႀကံခံရမႈကို စစ္ေဆးေဖၚထုတ္ေပးရန္ 'Early Day Motion' ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကုိ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုး၍ ၿဗိတိသွ်အစိုးရကို ေတာင္းဆိုလုိက္ၾကသည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း တခုျဖစ္သည့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား အစည္းအရံုး (KNU) ၏ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉး လုပ္ႀကံခံရသည့္ကိစၥတြင္ တရားဝင္ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈ တစံုတရာ မရွိသည့္အတြက္ ၿဗိတိသွ် အစိုးရက တိုက္ရိုက္ ဝင္ေရာက္ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆး၍ တရားခံမ်ားကို ေဖၚထုတ္ေပးပါရန္ ၿဗိတိသွ် ပါလီမန္အမတ္မ်ားက ၿဗိတိသွ်အစိုးရ ကို ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“ၿဗိတိသွ် ပါလီမန္အမတ္ေတြ ခုလို ေတာင္းဆိုတာကို က်မတို႔ ႀကဳိဆိုပါတယ္။ ဒါက်မတို႔ကို စိတ္ဓါတ္အရ အားေပး ေထာက္ခံရံုသာမက တရားမွ်တမႈအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္တာလဲ ျဖစ္လုိ႔ပါ” ဟု ေလာေလာဆယ္ ယူေကႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနသည့္ မန္းရွာ၏ သမီးျဖစ္သူ ဇုိယာဖန္း က မဇၩိမကို ေျပာၾကားသြားပါသည္။
အမည္မသိ ေသနတ္သမား ၂ ဦးက မဲေဆာက္ၿမ့ဳိရွိ သူ၏ ေနအိမ္တြင္ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔က မန္းရွာလဖန္ ကို ပစ္ခတ္ သတ္ျဖတ္သြားခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“ဒါ ဗမာစစ္အစိုးရ လက္ခ်က္ဆိုတာ က်မတို႔သိေပမယ့္ တရားဝင္ ဘာမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာတာ မရွိလို႔ က်မတို႔ ဝမ္းနည္း ရပါတယ္” ဟု ဇိုယာ က ေျပာသြားပါသည္။
ဤသို႔ အၾကမ္းဘက္ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို စီစဥ္ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ျခင္း အတြက္လည္း ၿဗိတိသွ် ပါလီမန္ အမတ္မ်ားက ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို ျပစ္တင္ ရႈတ္ခ်လိုက္သည္။ ဤကိစၥအတြက္ အေရးယူရန္ႏွင့္ ကရင္ႏွင့္ အျခား တိုင္းရင္းသား အရပ္သားမ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေနျခင္းအားလည္း ရပ္တန္႔ေပးပါရန္ ၿဗိတိသွ်အစိုးရကို သူတို႔က တိုက္တြန္း ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
သူ၏ မၿပီးဆံုးေသးေသာ အလုပ္မ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ႏွင့္ သူမတို႔၏ ဖခင္ကို သတိတရ ဂုဏ္ျပဳသည့္ အေနႏွင့္ သူမ၏ အကို ၂ ဦး၊ ညီမတဦးတို႔ႏွင့္အတူ “ဖန္းေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္း” တရပ္ ထူေထာင္ထားရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။
“ဒီေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းကေန ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးေတြရဲ့ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ထိန္းသိမ္းဘို႔နဲ႔ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးေတြရဲ့ ပညာေရးကိုအကူအညီ ေပးဘို႔ လုပ္သြားမွာပါ” ဟု ဇုိယာ က ေျပာသြားပါသည္။
ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္အတြက္ ရာစုႏွစ္တဝက္ေက်ာ္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ေနသည့္ (KNU) ၏ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးအျဖစ္ ၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလတြင္ ဖဒိုမန္းရွာ ေရြးေကာက္ တင္ေျမႇာက္ခံခဲ့ရသည္။
၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္မွ သမိုင္းအဓိကျဖင့္ ဘြဲ႔ရရွိကာ ခ်က္ခ်င္းလိုပင္ ေတာတြင္းရွိ ကရင္လႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္ ပူးေပါင္း လက္တြဲပါဝင္ခဲ့သည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး မဟာမိတ္မ်ား အားလံုးက ေလးစားခံရသူတဦး ျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရကလည္း KNU ၏ ေတာင့္တင္းခိုင္မာေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးအျဖစ္ သူ႔ကိုရႈျမင္သည္။
ကြယ္လြန္ခ်ိန္တြင္ သူသည္ အသက္ (၆၄) ႏွစ္ရွိၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
ပၡိင္.ေဖ္ွလင့္လ်ာ.သာ္
လု္ဏီယို္၀္ခဲြါကြင္ပညာ့ဟွာင္.ကုံလြာဲမာ၀ုံးပု္ခိင္.စုိ၀္ေ၀့ အ္ွသီရိလကၤာမာေလာဟ္ပညာနာဲခု္မီ့သယ္ အု္ဟွင္း လု္ပါးဏ္ွ ($200)ေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
ခဲါြကြင္ပညာ့ဟွာင္.ကု္လာဲြယုိ၀္ ပၱံင္ထ၀ယ္ ေဏ၀္ေ၀့(၄)ဏိင္းယုဂ္ေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
ဆု္ပု္ေယာတ္ဏ္ွ အ္ွခါန္.ပု္ညာ.မာေလာဟ္ပညာ့ ပု္ဖုဳံသင့္ခု္မီ့သယ္လု္ဖး ေ၀့သုိ၀္
မာေလာဟ္ပညာ့ဟွာင္.မု္ဍဳဂ္ပါင္သုိ၀္ ထြာမာ၀ုံးဆုိင္ေ၀့ေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
ခဲြါကြင္ဆု္ပု္ေယာတ္ယုဂ္ထ၀့္ဍဳဂ္ပါင္လာ.ေ၀့ဟွံင္ ပု္ဖုဳံဆုိဒ္သာသီ့ဃွီ႔လာထ၀့္ေျပ ခဲြါကြင္
လု္ဖုဳံးုယုိ၀္သုိ၀္ ပု္ဖုဳံယွင္ဆုိဒ္ေဖါဟ္မူ.ထင္းမူႏုဂ္လုက္ဆိင့္ အ္ွဃွဴ႕ဃွင္သု္မ၀့္ယိက္ထ၀့္လာ.ေ၀့
ေ၀့ခဲါြကြင္ဟွဳင္.ခုိင့္လု္ဖုဳံယုိ၀္ဆာ္။
Wednesday, July 16, 2008
Fla. cancer survivor wins dream wedding
TAMPA, Fla. - A Tampa bride-to-be who defied doctors' expectations after being told she had a year to live four years ago has celebrated another victory — she and her fiancee won a $100,000 dream wedding.
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Courtney Dempsey, 33, and Gary Courtney, 37, were among 40,000 couples who entered US Magazine's wedding contest. The prize includes a dress and honeymoon.
"We're beyond thrilled. We're actually in a state of shock right now," Dempsey said Tuesday.
Dempsey was diagnosed with late-stage melanoma four years ago and doctors told her she had less than a year to live. She survived beyond that and began dating Courtney. But soon after, doctors said she needed a double mastectomy.
Courtney asked Dempsey to move in with him so he could help her recover.
Now the couple is planning a September wedding.
As for her married name, Dempsey says she'll follow tradition and take her groom's name, meaning she'll go by Courtney Courtney.
"I love it," she said. "I'm in sales. No one will ever forget my name."
I lost the best years of my life'
Fifteen Italian officials have been convicted of mistreating protesters during the 2001 G8 summit in Genoa.
Mark Covell was one of five British anti-globalisation protesters who was injured and has been seeking justice ever since.
"This was not just giving a few hippies a slap around, this was systematic," Mr Covell said.
A journalist with alternative media organisation Indymedia at the time, he was present when police raided a high school where protesters were camping during the summit.
He was left with eight broken ribs, a shredded lung, a broken hand, 16 missing teeth and was in a coma for two days.
While he was on a life-support machine in hospital, 81 others were arrested and taken to a temporary prison camp outside Genoa, at Bolzaneto. The police chief tried, and failed, to take him too.
'Mixed result'
Here they were threatened, beaten and insulted. The prosecution said they were tortured.
On Monday, after 11 hours of deliberations, judges convicted 15 people of charges ranging from assault to denial of basic human rights. Thirty others were cleared.
he stiffest sentence was handed to camp commander Antonio Gugliotta who was given five years, while the others received between five to 28 months.
Speaking from Italy, Mr Covell told the BBC News website: "It's a mixed result for us. Obviously we would have liked a larger amount of police officers to be convicted.
"But when we started people said we had a one million to one chance of reaching today."
The judge said there was "no doubt" a serious crime had taken place at Bolzaneto and there had clearly been mental and physical suffering inflicted without any justification.
"He said he wanted to impose much longer sentences of 10 years for some of the defendants and what they did. But there is no law on torture here," said Mr Covell.
'Condemned and disowned'
The victims will receive compensation, the judge ordered emergency payment of 10,000 euros to each victim and a total of 15m euros will be paid to victims in the long term.
Now 40, Mr Covell says that is small comfort.
"The money is good, but you can never recover from something like this. I have lost the best years of my life with what happened on 21 July," he said.
"We have spent seven years fighting these cases. I will die 10 years younger than I should because of the physical damage to me. All of us have huge issues with post-traumatic stress disorder.
"We have been forgotten about. We were condemned and disowned by our own governments around Europe."
The fight for justice continues. A second trial over the police raid at the Diaz school is ongoing.
They also plan to take the case to the European Court of human rights, where the defendants can be prosecuted under torture law.
"We want the Italian government to bring in new torture law, and a public inquiry. We want to cut the cancer of Fascism from the police, whether we achieve that, I don't know."
But he says he has no regrets about being in Genoa that day.
"I don't think anyone would have realised the Italians would react in such a horrific way. We can only hope something positive can come from it for us and the Italians, " he said.
Sunday, July 13, 2008
Happy birthday to sawaunghein
၁၃.၇.၀၈
လု္ဏီယုိ၀္ မာဲြေ၀့ ေစာေအာင္ဟိန္း အ္ွဖုဲမူ.ဏီေဆ၀္လ္ွ၊
လာဏင့္သီး လု္လု္မူ.ဟွးခါ့ဏ္ွ ထီသုိ၀္သယ္ဟွယ့္စာင္းဍ၀္
မာ၀ုံးခိြက္ေ၀့လု္ေပ၀့္ယုဂ္ေဆ၀္၊
ထံင္ထာင္လု္ဏီယို၀္ ဆံင့္မံင္းထအု္ေမံယာ့ခါ့ မု္ဍဳဂ္အင္းဍဳဂ္အ၀္
ေကမူ.ဆာ့လာဏင့္ ကဲထင္းထာင္ေ၀့ လု္မူ.ဃွာင္.ေကဟွခါ့ေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
ပု္ဖုဳံကုိ၀္.ဟွာ မာ၀ုိ၀္မာဆုိင္ဟွံင္ မာေဏ၀္အု္တာအင္းဖံင့္အင္းဖာ္ (အုိးသူႀကီး)ဏ္ွ မာဲြေ၀့ အ္ွတြာန္႕ထီ့ေဖါဟ္စင္ က်၀္မ်အူးေဆ၀္လ္ွ၊
လ၀္မုဂ္လ၀္ထာင္ ဆု္ဟု္လင္ဏီ.ဆု္ခုာင္ဏ္ွဍ၀္ မာဲြေ၀့ ခဲြါကြင္အိင္ဖင္ ဖူ႕ခု္လုိ၀္ေဆ၀္လ္ွ၊
မာ၀ုိ၀္မာဆုိင္ အင္းဖံင့္အင္းဖာ္ဟံွင္ ဟွယ့္ထံင္ထီသုိ၀္ဖူ.၀ဲါေမာ၀္မင္လု္ဖး သုဂ္အင္းသုဂ္အ၀္သယ္ဟွံင္ ေဆာဟ္ဖးထင္းထာင္ happy birth day to you ျပာျပာေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
ယုဂ္ထင္း၀ါ အု္ဏိင္း( ၃၂) က်၀္အင္ဟိန္းေ၀့လု္ဟွာ ယုဂ္ထ၀့္သာယွဴး အ္ွမုဂ္ဆံင့္ခုာင့္ဟံွင္
ေ၀့၀းသာသုိ၀္ ဖုံင့္ဟွးဍဳဂ္ပါင္လာ. ကုိ၀္၀ုင္ေဍဏ္ွ မုဂ္ဆုိင့္ထီသုိ၀္ ပု္ကုံရြာဲသယ္ကုိ၀္ဟွာ ရာဓညာ. ဆုတံင္.ပုဂ္တာ၀း ေဍသုင္းသာေဟွ၀္အြာဏ္ွေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
အ္ွဆံင္းလာ.ကုိ၀္ဟွာေဍဆာ္။
မိတၲာဆုိင့္(ထီ့၀ါန္.ရ၀္)
Sunday, July 6, 2008
သာသီ့လင္မာ.ပု္လ၀္
KNU ဘာလဲ
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးအသားအစည္းအ႐ုံး(KNU)ဟာ စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္မရပ္ေသးတ့ဲ သူပုန္အဖဲြ႔ေတြထဲမွာ အႀကီးဆုံး အဖဲြ႔ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ သေဘာထားခ်င္း မတုိက္ဆုိင္တ့ဲ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြက မဟာမိတ္ႀကီးအျဖစ္ ေလးစားရတ့ဲ၊ အားကုိးရတ့ဲ အဖဲြ႔ႀကီးလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကရင္တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြဟာ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရကုိ ပုန္ကန္ခ့ဲတာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၆၀ ရိွပါၿပီ။ သိပ္မၾကာေသးခင္ကပဲ ေစာဘုိျမ၊ ပဒုိမန္းရွာ၊ ေစာဘသင္စိန္ စတ့ဲ KNU ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ေရွ႔ဆင့္ေနာက္ဆင့္ ကြယ္လြန္သြားပါတယ္။ လက္ရိွအေျခအေနမွာ အင္အား ႀကီးမားလွတ့ဲ ဒီအဖဲြ႔ႀကီး တျဖည္းျဖည္း ခ်ိနဲ႔လာတာ ေတြ႔ရမွာပါ။
ဒီလုိ အားနည္းလာရတာဟာ နာမည္ေက်ာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ ကြယ္လြန္သြားလုိ႔ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ စစ္အစုိးရက KNU နယ္ေျမေတြကုိ နည္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ သိမ္းပုိက္ႏုိင္ခ့ဲလုိ႔ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခ့ဲတ့ဲ ၁၇ ႏွစ္အတြင္း KNUရဲ႕ ေအာက္ေျခနဲ႔ အလယ္အလတ္အဆင့္ စစ္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ားအျပားကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္မက္လုံးေတြ ေပးၿပီး လက္နက္ခ်ခုိင္းခ့ဲပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္ယူခံစားလုိ႔မရတဲ့တုိက္ပဲြ
KNUရဲေဘာ္ေတြထဲမွာ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ၀င္က အမ်ားစုပါ။ ၁၉၉၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာလမွာ KNU ထဲက တပ္သား အင္အား ၅၀၀ ပုန္ကန္ခြဲထြက္သြားပါတယ္။ ခဲြထြက္သူေတြဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကုိးကြယ္တ့ဲ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြပါ။ သူတုိ႔က ဒီေကဘီေအ(DKBA) ဆုိၿပီး အဖဲြ႔တခုကုိ တည္ေထာင္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ တိုးတက္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကရင္ အမ်ဳိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ (DKBA) လုိ႔ အမည္ေပးပါတယ္။
