Karen ethnic people from Myanmar/Burma, now residing in South Korea as expatriates and refugees, today hold celebrations to mark their traditional New Year.
reported by Salai Kyaw Kyaw
Sunday, December 28, 2008
Karen New Year Celebration in Korea
Tuesday, December 23, 2008
Merry Christma!
Christmas, also called Christmas Day, is an annual holiday that is celebrated as the birthday of Jesus Christ-the founder of Christianity. The Christmas day is chiefly marked every year on 25th December by the Christians but the festival of Christmas conveys the message of affection, peace, brotherhood and fraternity among all so it transcends the barricades of color, caste and creeds and celebrated by non-Christians as well, all over the world.
The fun, gaiety, joy and excitement associated with Christmas has made it a social-cultural festival which is observed with special prayers, Church celebrations, family get-together, gifts giving, adorning the homes with beautiful decoratives, lights, stars, Christmas Tree. Santa Claus, also called Father Christmas, is an integral part of Christmas celebrations who is loved by all, specially children, and brings gifts in his red sack on the day of Christmas.
History of Christmas
Historians claim that the first celebration of Christmas happened in Rome in 336 A.D. Early Romans, however, could not profess their religion openly as Christianity had grown up in blood and tears in Rome. It was only after the conversion of Emperor Constantine to Christianity in 4th century A.D that the religion came to be followed by vast masses of humanity. This community then felt the need to celebrate the birth of Christ as a festival. But different groups had been celebrating Jesus's birth on different dates like 6th January, 19th April, 20th May, 17th November, 25th December. By the 5th century A.D. 25th December got accepted as the most suitable date in the Western World and gradually the Eastern Churches fell in line with the west.
Sunday, December 21, 2008
Karen New Year 's Speech by Saw Aung Khin in 1998
Happy New Year to you all.
It is a great honor and pleasure for me to speak at our Karen New Year Day. This is the
second time I have celebrated Karen New Year with my brothers and sisters in Vancouver B C. First of all I thank the Karen community here for let me speak at this important occasion of our Karen New Year. Last year I shared about my experience how I celebrated Karen New Year in my boyhood till I have become grown up man. This time Iwould like to stress the importance of maintaining our Karen culture andheritage. As different ethnic people has their own culture and heritage, our Karen people are also unique and have our own culture and heritage. Had it not been for the Karen community in Vancouver B C, we will not be able to celebrate Karen New Year to day with Karen musics and dances which reflect our Karen culture and heritage.
Thank you so much for maintaining our Karen culture and heritage. To maintain our culture and heritage, we have to learn own language and literature. With out learning our written language and literature, we will not be able to maintain and up keep our culture and tradition. With out
knowing our written language, it will be very hard to learn our history. When I was in school we learn Burmese History from Middle School through High School and I have not come across the words " Karen or Kayin" in the text book although Karen people are the second largest minority in the country. From then I do believe that the word Karen was not included in the History text book, because we Karen people did not have written language of our own during the Burmese Monarchy days. Thank God , during the British colonial Rule The American Missionaries who came to Burma introduced Karen alphabet, probably borrowed from Burmese alphabets, and from then on we have our own written language and literature. In Burma, not long after the Military took over the country all schools were nationalized and all ethnic minority languages were not allowed to be taught in the school any more. Only minority people who live in resistant group areas have the opportunity to learn their own language. When the Mon resistant group signed cease fire agreement with the Military Regime, they were promised to established Mon National School, but later the Regime broke its promise and ordered all Mon National School to be closed. In Chin State in remote Chin hills where there is no school, villagers hire their own teachers and established primary School. Those schools were also closed by the Military Regime. So in Burma, ethnic minority people who live within the control of the Military Government do not have the chance for their children to learn their own language. Now let me share about my family and my children. My children were born in Burma during the Burma Military Regime and they do not have the chance to learn their own language. They can not read and write Karen. I also partly blame myself for not being so enthusiastic at that time as I am now. If you do not know Karen written language, how can you maintain Karen culture and heritage! At present we have small Karen community in Vancouver B C and it is not easy to build a school so that we can teach our children our culture and tradition. Never the less we can do so in Church and Monastery where we go for worshiping. I believe that if we set aside one hour or so a week and teach our children their written language and heritage, it will be wonderful to inherit our children with our precious Karen culture and heritage. Besides, Vancouver Karen community is blessed
with two wonderful teachers. One is Sgaw Karen teacher thramu Naw Loo Lu and the other is Pwo Karen teacher none other than Naw Loo Lu's beloved
husband thra Aung Mya Thein. There are only two major Karen languages and you have it all.
In conclusion, I would like to thank Vancouver Karen community, visitors and friends alike who come and join us in celebration of our Karen New Year. My special thanks to those who worked very hard last night to prepare food and those who practice so hard for musics and dances to make our Karen New Year celebration possible.
Thank you very much again and God Bless you all.
Saw Aung Khin.
Saturday, December 20, 2008
ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးဆုေတာင္း
ျပာသုိလမွာ ႏွင္းမွဳံျဖာဆင္း
လယ္ယာလုပ္ခြင္ ကင္းရွင္းစင္၍
ၾကယ္စင္လင္းလက္ အာကာထက္၊
ေစာင္းေကာက္ခတ္သံ မုိးထက္ယံၾကား
ဆုိဟန္ျမဴးလွ ကဟန္ၾကြသည့္
ခန္႔ထည္အစဥ္ ဇဲြကပင္။
ပိန္းဥမွ်စ္ခ်ဥ္ ခရုဖင္ခြ်န္
ဘုိးစဥ္ေဘာင္ဆက္ မူမပ်က္ေရး
လက္စုံေလြးၿမဲ ေကာက္သစ္ပဲြ။
ႏွင္းပန္းေမႊးႀကိဳင္ ႏွစ္သစ္တုိင္ေတာ့
ေခြယုိင္ညစ္ေထြး စိတ္ယုတ္ေဘးထုတ္
အေတြးႏုတ္ေတြ ေပ်ာက္ၾကေစ။
ျပာသုိလဆန္းတစ္ရက္ေန႕မွာ က်ေရာက္မည့္
၂၇၄၈-ခု ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးအတြက္ ႀကိဳဆုိလွ်က္--
မင္းစိုးစံ(အေ၀းေရာက္ကရင္ဒုကၡသည္တဦး)
Minnesota, USA.
Thursday, December 18, 2008
သူကေနျပည္ေတာ္ကုိ ေရာက္ေနတယ္ဆုိပဲ
စိတ္၀င္စားစရာျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္၊ ေနာက္ဆက္တဲြသတင္းမ်ားကုိ ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္နားေထာင္ေနၾကပါတယ္
။
Saturday, December 13, 2008
ေမးခြန္း
သမုဒၵရာရဲ႕ ဟုိဘက္ကမ္း
ငါရည္မွန္းထားတဲ့တစ္စုံတစ္ရာ
အေသအခ်ာရိွေနတယ္။
သံလုိက္အိမ္ေျမာင္ကစုတ္ပဲ့
တက္မပါ ရြက္ဗလာ
ပဲ့ဆုိတာနတၳိ ေဆြးၿမိၿမိနံေဘး
စုတ္ျခာတဲ့ေလွေလးကုိအားျပဳ
ထုထည္ႀကီးမားတဲ့ သမုဒၵရာရဲ႕လွဳိင္းထုကုိ
ဇရာအုိစျပဳေနတဲ့ငါ အံတုနုိင္မွာတဲ့လား။
ကမ္းမျမင္လမ္းမျမင္ လႈိင္းၾကမ္းေလဆင္
မုန္တုိင္း၀င္ေနတဲ့ ပင္လယ္ျပင္ထဲ
ရဲရဲေတာက္ဇဲြသတၱိနဲ႕ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္တုိ႔ ခရီးဆက္နုိင္ဖုိ႔အေရး
အရည္ေသြးေကာင္းတဲ့ ေလွတစ္စင္းစာအတြက္-
ငါဘာလုပ္ခ့ဲသလဲ
ငါဘာလုပ္ေနလဲ
ငါဘာဆက္လုပ္မွာလဲ
မင္းစုိးစံ
အေ၀းေရာက္ ကရင္ဒုကၡသည္တစ္ဦး
Minnesota, USA
Saturday, October 4, 2008
Tuesday, September 9, 2008
DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD
India
Nonviolent resistance to British colonialism led by Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru brought independence to India in 1947. Its 1950 constitution, with 395 articles, is the longest written constitution of any independent nation. Over the past six decades, Indian democracy has weathered several bouts of sectarian violence and the country has remained unified.
In 2004, the Indian National Congress Party (INC) and its allies won an unexpected victory in the general election, defeating the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
See "India's Democracy Has Many Voices."
Government
Executive -- India's executive branch is headed by a president and a prime minister.
• President Pratibha Patil, India’s first woman president, was elected by India’s Parliament and state legislatures to a five-year term in 2007.
• Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, India’s first Sikh prime minister, was appointed in 2004 after his INC Party led a coalition of political forces to an unexpected victory in legislative elections.
Saturday, September 6, 2008
ယု္
ယု္ဏင့္ဆာ. ယု္အဲဟွးဟွ၀္၊
ယု္ဆုိဒ္ဏွ္ ယု္အဲေ၀့ဍ၀္၊
ယု္ထူရူ့ ယု္အဲတ၀္တ၀္၊
ယ္ုဆု္ခႜာင္ ယု္အဲယု္လ၀္၊
ယု္လိက္ဏွ္ ယု္အဲယု္ပ၀္.၊
ယု္ထီ့ခါန္. ယု္အဲလုက္က၀္၊
ယု္ထီသုိ၀္ ယု္အဲသၞ၀့္။
ဏင့္ဆာ.- ဆုိဒ္- ထူရူ- ဆု္ခႜာင္၊
လိက္-ထီ့ခါန္.-ထီသုိ၀္ နုိဲစာင္၊
ဟု္မာဆုိင္ေ႓့မု္ဍဳဂ္ပါင္၊
ပညာ့ေဃွံ ဏွ္ ဟု္႓းကႜာင္၊
ဆံင္းမံင္းထာင္ စွ္ဆံင္းမံင္းထာင္၊
စွ္ဆံင့္မံင္း ေယာ၀္လာ.ေအယာင္၊
႓းဍံင္ဟု္ထင္း ေခါဟ္လံင္႓ႜာင္၊
ေခါဟ္လံင္ေဍာဟ္ အွ္ေ၀့နဳိဲစာင္၊
ထင္းထံင္ဍင္ဍီး ဍးစုိ၀္ယာင္။
´ဆု္ယ၀္ခါ့´
ဆု္ယ၀္ခါ့ေခါ၀္.အုဂ္၊
ေခါ၀္.သုိဲ့ထင္းဟု္လံင္႓ုဂ္၊
လီဟွယ့္ပ် သူးသူး၊
လင္အွ္ကြယ္ သိင္းလာယွဴး၊
သင့္၀၀္ေဖါဟ္ ဟွင္းကုိ၀္၊
လု္သိင္းခီ့ ယ္ုဟွဳိင့္စုိ၀္၊
ကႜင္ကႜာင္းဖ၀့္ ႓င္ဖါင္း၊
နဳိင္မုိင့္ထင္း ဟု္သာစာင္း၊
ကု္တုဂ္စုိဲ ဟု္စာ္၊
ထီ့လု္အွ္ ကၞာ့သာ္၊
ယးအွ္ကုံ လု္နံင္း၊
မႝီဟ္သီး လင္အင္းကံင္း၊
ေဍာဟ္အင္းခႜံင္ ခြိက္ယွး၊
ဆင္းၾသဳဂ္ အင္းခြယ္ပ်၊
ေဆ၀္ေဍဖႜာင္ သာအင္း၊
သီ့လင္ထုက္ ယး႓းယွင္း။
မာလုက္၀ယ္
ဖႜဳံေဖါဟ္လု္၀ီ.
ထုင္းလီ.ထုင္းထာင္
အးစာင္အးဖႜဳံ
လု္ကံင္.ဆု္မာ
လုက္ခႜာလင္႓ုိင္
ဍးလုိင္လု္ယ၀့္
ပ၀္.သ၀့္ထၝံင့္
လံင့္ကံင္လုက္ေခႜ
လု္ေက၀္ေဍလိက္
လင္႓ိက္လုဂ္ခႜာ ဏိင္းလု္ယာ။
ပု္႓ုိ၀္ဏါင္းယုိ၀္
ဍးစုိ၀္လင္.ခါင့္
သာဟွာင့္စြးတယ္
ဖုက္ဖယ္ဏံင္သာ
ဆ္ုမာပၱံင္
ေက၀္ဟွံင္လိက္လာဲ
တု္ကႜယ္ေဍာဟ္လင္ ဃွဴ့ဃွင္မာေလာဟ္ဖႜဳံယွင္ေဖါဟ္။
ဖံင္းပႝာ.မိင္္
ဖံင္းပႝာ.မိင္ မု္ေလာဟ္ကုိဲ
ေဖါဟ္သးကုိ၀္ဟွာေဍ။
အွ္ကုံေထာ၀္ခါင့္မြာဲ၀ွ၀ွ၊
ကုိ၀္ဟွာခါခႜိက္ပ်။
စာင္းလင့္ေ၀့ဖ၀္.ေဍမု္ဖံင္း
ေဖါဟ္သးေယွာတ္ေမံကံင္း။
သ၀့္မာတယ္ေ၀့ ပီပူပါ၊
က်ဳဂ္ေလံ ေဍကုိ၀္ယွာ။
ေဖါဟ္သးဟွင္ေပ၀့္ဟွာင္လု္ထိုင့္
က်ဳဂ္ေလံပါကုိ၀္ဖုိင့္။
ေဖါဟ္သးလုက္ဆိင့္႓းထုင္က်ာ
ထီ့ဖါ.က်ဳဂ္လင္သာ။
နဳိင္ဖ၀္.နဳိင္ဖ၀္.ေဍဖု္အ၀္
ကုိ၀္ပါင္သုဂ္ယွ၀္ယွ၀္။
ဆုိဒ္ဆတၞဳိင့္ ဟွးသးေအခုိင့္
၁။ စွ္သာလုက္ေခႜ ထီ့ခါန္ေၿပဏွ္၊
ဖံင္ေဖႜ႓းသာ ကုက္ကုိ၀္ဟွာလွ္။
ေဟွ၀္အြာဆုိဒ္ဆ ဖံင္ေဖႜ၀္႓းဏွ္
ေဏ၀.္႓းလု္ဖိုင့္ ဖံင္းေအခုိင့္ဟွဟ္။
ပု္လုိင့္အးဖႜံင္ ေအဍးခံင္ဍ၀္
လံင့္ကံင္ကုိ၀္႓ႜင္ ခုိ၀္ပု္ဍင္လ။
ဃွဴဃွင္မူးခြါ့ မြာဲတုင္.ဆာ့ခ၀့္
လု္ယာ့တာ္ေခါဟ္ ဆုိဒ္ဖႜဳံေဖါဟ္သီး
ပါေဍာဟ္ယုဂ္ယာန္း ႓းတုင္ယွင္းလွ္။
မူ.ထင္းေလင္.၀၀္ ထာင္အးထ၀္ဏွ္
ေဆ၀္ယွ၀္.၀ါဖႜင္ လု္မုဂ္ဍင္ဏွ္
ဖုိင့္ဃွင္ဖံင္းထး ေအခုိင့္ဟွဟ္။
၂။ အွ္ပါမုက္ကုိဲ မာလာ ေဃွ၀္ဟွဟ္
လုက္ေခႜစွ္သာ လိက္ေဟွ၀္အြာအွ္
အးဖါအးစိင္ ထံင္လုက္ကႜိင္ဏွ္
ကုိ၀္မိင္မာေလာဟ္ ေသွ္ေအေဍာဟ္ထ၀့္
တာ္ေခါဟ္ဍဳဂ္ပါင္ ဖႜံင္အးစုိင္ယ၀့္။
႓ုဂ္ယာင္မိင္ဖႜဟ္ ပညာ ့အွ္ဍ၀္
ယွဴး႓ွ္ေဍက်ဳိင္ ဆု္ဟွယ့္ၿပဳိင့္သီး
ဖႜံင့္နဳိင္အးဆင့္ ဖႜာဲသယ္ဃွင့္အး
ဍဳံဌာန့္ဆု္မာ ဆုိဒ္ဟွင္.ခႜာခ၀့္
ထ႟ာေဖွ္ကဲ ဖႜံင့္ဟွးဖႜဲယ၀့္
ဍဳဂ္ဏဲလ၀္လင္ ပညာ့ဖါန္ဏွ္
အး႓ႜင္ဖံင္းထး ကုိ၀္ဖုိင့္ဟွဟ္။
၃။ ႓္ွ္လာ.ထုက္သုဲိ့ အင္းကုဂ္ဃွဳဲိဏွ္
ေဍာဟ္ေၿပဖုက္ကႜံင္ ၾသဳက္ထံင္သီး
ပၱံင္တာင္၀ယ္ ကဲဖုက္ဖယ္လွ္။
ကးဟွယ္လု္ဖႜဟ္ ေ႓့သာအွ္ဍ၀္
ေဍာဟ္ထ၀့္ဆု္မာ ဆုိဒ္ဟွာင္.ခႜာ႓၀့္
ေဟွ၀္အြာကုိ၀္စာင္ တာင္ဍဳဂ္ပါင္ယ၀့္
ေလ၀္ထာင္လု္ကး ထီသုိ၀္အးလ၀္ ဆု္ဍးအဲကုဲ
ေ႓့ေဖါဟ္လီဟွဟ္ သီ့ကႜီေယာ၀္.ဆုိင္
လု္လုက္ုလုိင္ဏယ့္ လုက္ဖုိင္မိင္ဖႜဟ္
ယွဴး႓ွ္ကုိ၀္႓ႜင္ ထုက္ေကာ၀္ၾကင္လွ္
သာယင္သံင္းထ လ၀္ဟွဳိင့္လွ္။
စ၀္အဲဆုိဒ္
Friday, September 5, 2008
Rifts behind Thailand's political crisis
It has been nearly two years since an unexpected military coup deposed then-Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and appeared to freeze Thailand's democratic evolution in its tracks.
The country has experienced 15 months of benign military rule, the drafting of a new constitution, and a general election which returned a party run by Mr Thaksin's allies to office.
Yet there is still a sense of unending crisis, of a country still deeply polarised over the former prime minister and his attempts to transform Thailand.
The occupation of the main government offices in central Bangkok this week by protesters from the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) has underscored just how difficult it is to end this turbulence.
Thaksin's critics
The PAD first emerged in September 2005. At the time it was a largely personal crusade by maverick media mogul Sondhi Limtongkul, once a passionate Thaksin supporter who turned on his former mentor after feeling abandoned when his business went bankrupt.
But it picked up momentum at the end of that year as public unease grew over the tax-free sale of the Shinawatra family telecoms business for an estimated $2bn (£1bn) and escalated into a movement that helped bring the seemingly impregnable Thaksin administration down.
Most Thais probably thought that was the last they would see of the PAD.
A tank on a highway in Bangkok, on 25 September 2006
The PAD was behind the street protests that preceded the coup in 2006
But in May this year the movement reformed, starting a series of boisterous demonstrations that have periodically brought central Bangkok to a halt.
There are a number of factors that explain why this happened.
Firstly, the key PAD leaders, in particular Sondhi Limthongkul and Chamlong Srimuang, an ascetic former military general and mayor of Bangkok who played a key role in the anti-government protests back in 1992, remained virulently opposed to allowing any of Mr Thaksin's associates a role in government.
They rejected last December's election victory by the pro-Thaksin People's Power Party (PPP), arguing it was achieved by vote-buying (the impartial Election Commission contradicts this view).
Samak Sundaravej has proved surprisingly skilful in handling the challenge from the PAD, despite a series of verbal gaffes early on in his term
They have now refined their argument to propose rural voters in Thailand are too poorly educated to be allowed to elect a parliament, and that it should be a largely appointed body instead.
The PAD has also ridden a national wave of anxiety over the future of the monarchy, once 80-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej is no longer on the scene.
Its supporters believe Mr Thaksin and the PPP have a republican agenda - hence the sea of yellow shirts seen at PAD rallies, yellow being the colour associated with the king.
Government bungles
Secondly, Thaksin Shinawatra made a triumphant return to Thailand in February. He insisted he had abandoned any political ambition, but few believed him, and he was widely assumed to be funding and influencing the governing party.
Although banned from holding political office for five years, with his own party in government many Thais assumed he would find a way to overturn the ban, and dismiss various charges of corruption and abuse of power that were pending against him.
File image of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej
The PAD accuse Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej of incompetence
Thirdly, the government of Samak Sundaravej bungled its first months in office, and provoked fears that it was more concerned with helping Mr Thaksin than sorting out the country's other problems.
Its attempt to revise the military-drafted constitution was the spark that brought the PAD out on the streets in May. They feared constitutional amendments might offer a legal justification for throwing out the charges against Mr Thaksin.
The PAD also accused the government of being corrupt, incompetent and authoritarian.
When the government agreed to support Cambodia's bid to have a disputed temple on their common border listed as a World Heritage Site, the PAD saw this as selling out Thai sovereignty for Mr Thaksin's business interests in Cambodia. The resulting row forced the foreign minister, who had once been Mr Thaksin's lawyer, to resign.
Skillful handling
However developments in recent weeks have undermined the PAD's claims.
The government backed away from changing the constitution, although it still says it wants to do this. It allowed a no-confidence debate in parliament.
Then the legal cases against Mr Thaksin started moving with surprising speed and vigour. His lawyers were jailed for contempt of court. His wife was sentenced to three years in prison for tax evasion. Reading the signs, the family moved back into exile in Britain.
Samak Sundaravej has proved surprisingly skilful in handling the challenge from the PAD, despite a series of verbal gaffes early on in his term.
He has built a close relationship with the military, in particular with army commander General Anupong Paochinda and General Prayuth Chanocha, the commander of the crucial First Amy Division, based in Bangkok.
The support of these two men would be crucial for any military challenge to the government.
In addition, both are known as staunchly loyal to the monarchy, helping burnish Mr Samak's own royalist credentials. Mr Samak has listened to the police, the army, and most importantly, the king, and handled the protests with restraint.
By contrast the PAD now appears to have overplayed its hand. Mr Sondhi and Mr Chamlong have both called this a last-ditch attempt to overthrow the government, and their actions smack of desperation. Many Thais who once sympathised with the PAD have now turned against it.
The atmosphere in Bangkok, though, remains charged and volatile. The PAD is well-funded, and is believed to have support in some very high circles, including factions of the military.
The rifts which opened up at the start of this decade, when Thaksin Shinawatra worked out how to win unbeatable parliamentary majorities, and then used them to drive through his ambitious and controversial policies, are still wide open.
Thursday, August 28, 2008
An Obama-Biden Foreign Policy
Barack Obama, we are told, chose Joe Biden to be his running mate because he needed an older man, more experienced in foreign policy, to fill the gaps in his resume and reassure American voters that the United States would be safe under an Obama presidency. That’s true, but it is assumed that he also chose him because Biden’s views on foreign policy are not radically different from his own. Since American foreign policy still affects almost everybody in the world, that makes Biden’s views very interesting.
Joe Biden, now 65, has been a senator since he was 29. For almost half that time he has been a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which he now heads. He has been around long enough to leave plenty of evidence about his view and his reflexes, and it is safe to say that he qualifies as a liberal interventionist (or, as they say on the other side of the Atlantic, a liberal imperialist). He has never met an international problem that he didn’t think the US should help to solve.
Unlike the neo-conservatives, who are brothers under the skin to the liberal interventionists, Biden does not believe that every problem in the world can be solved by the application of US military power, but he does think that many of them can. He backed the US military intervention in Bosnia, the bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo crisis, the invasion of Afghanistan after 9/11, and the invasion of Iraq (although he subsequently had the grace to admit he was wrong and apologise for that).
Indeed, the Democratic vice-presidential candidate has even called for the use of US troops in Sudan, unilaterally if necessary. He would doubtless agree with Obama’s famous remark (over Iraq) that he was not against all wars, just against dumb ones – but Biden’s criteria for which wars are dumb wars are not very discriminating. A unilateral US military intervention in Sudan would make the Iraq fiasco look like a wise act of statesmanship.
On larger issues, by contrast, Biden has usually been a voice of moderation among the chorus of Democratic hawks vying to outdo their Republican colleagues in their hostility to Russia and their enthusiasm for the "war on terror." He did support the expansion of NATO right up to Russia’s frontiers (and visited Georgia immediately after the recent fighting), but he has resisted the temptation to paint Russia as the Soviet Union in sheep’s clothing. And his contempt for the "war on terror" has been consistent and exemplary.
"Terror is a tactic," Biden has said. "Terror is not a philosophy." It is a mantra that everybody in US politics should be required to chant each morning before work, even if it is slightly inaccurate. ("Terror" is actually an emotion. "Terrorism," however, is a tactic – a political tool or technique, more precisely – that can be used in support of a wide variety of causes. It is as misleading to declare war on terrorism as it would be to declare war on propaganda.)
Knowing this has enabled Biden to concentrate (most of the time, at least) on the need to eliminate the particular groups of terrorists that had attacked the United States, who were mostly located in Afghanistan and Pakistan. When he briefly supported the invasion of Iraq, he did not do so out of an ignorant belief that Saddam Hussein had links with those terrorists. It was his liberal interventionism that drove his decision, combined with a naive belief that the US intelligence services would not bend the evidence on Iraq’s alleged weapons of mass destruction to serve the president’s purposes.
So that is Joe Biden’s take on foreign policy, and it probably isn’t vastly different from Barack Obama’s. The difference lies mostly in the "experience" factor, which tells you all you needed to know about the value of experience in these matters. It is Biden’s long residence at the heart of the Washington political/military/intelligence machine that makes him such a conventional character.
All that stuff about Obama being "not ready to lead" is simply a coded warning that he might not lead in the time-honoured, conventional way. John McCain certainly would, and so would have Hillary Clinton if she had won the Democratic nomination The selection of Joe Biden as his running mate is intended to allay those fears by linking Obama to someone who is deeply embedded in the conventional wisdom, but it doesn’t actually prove that Obama is too.
There is still room for suspicion that Barack Obama harbours a secret desire to lead move American foreign policy in a quite different direction, away from the traditional great-power realpolitik and the occasional forays into liberal interventionism. That would probably appal Biden, and it would horrify the rest of the Washington establishment.
Vice-presidents don’t have a veto, so the choice of Biden poses no problem there. But the Washington establishment probably does have a veto, so whatever Obama intends, Biden will not be disappointed by the outcome.
ဖႜဳံေဖါဟ္ထာ္႓ံင္
ဆုိဒ္ေဖါဟ္ဖႜဳံယုိ၀္ ထာ္႓ံင္အုိ၀္ဏွ္
ဏဲစုိ၀္မု္လ၀္ လု္ေကာ၀္ဒ္ွခါ့
အ္ွထ၀့္ေခါဟ္လံင္ မာဲြထာ္႓ံင္အ္ွ
အု္ဖႜံင္လ၀္ထာင္ ယွာ.ဆု္ခႜါင္႓၀့္
လု္စာင္ေမာ၀္ေခါဟ္ ဖႜဳံဆုိဒ္ေဖါဟ္လ၀့္
ပါေဍာဟ္ေမာ၀္.စြး မာဲြေ၀့အးဍ၀္
လု္ဖးမုဂ္႓်ာ ထူရူ႕ခႜာဏ္ွ
႓းမာေမာ၀္.ထာ္ မာဲြကုိ၀္.႓ႜာ္လ္ွ။
အ္ွဍာ္လု္ထ၀္ ကုိ၀္ဆု္ယ၀္ဟွဟ္
အင္းအ၀္ခါစြး ဆုိဒ္လု္ဖးခ၀့္
မာဲြ႓းစာင္းလင္ ေခါဟ္လံင္ဆင္ဖ၀့္
ထံင္ျပင္ပၱီ လု္ေကာ၀္႓ီထ၀့္
ကုိ၀္.ဏီစာင္းဟွာ သီ့ဃွဳဲးအြာဏ္ွ
၀ီးလာယွဳဂ္ေဖႜ၀္. သာမဲေဆ၀္လ္ွ။
မာေဏ၀္အု္ထုိ၀္ ၀ီးလာကုိ၀္လၜ
လု္အု္၀္ခါင္.စူး ေမ၀္ထံင္ဍဴးဍ၀္
ေဍလူးသၞ၀့္ ေမ၀္ထံင္ဖ၀့္သယ္
လင္.ထ၀့္ေခါဟ္ဍံင္ ခႜိဳ၀္လင္ဟွံင္ဏ္ွ
ေျပယွံင္နုိ၀္စၚ ယုက္ထ၀့္ဆာ္ဟွဟ္။
အု္ထာ္အ္ွ၀ယ္ ဟွယ့္လင္တယ္႓၀့္
အင္းဃွယ္လု္ထ၀္ မာဲြလင္ပ၀္အ္ွ
႓ါဖ၀့္လု္စာင္ ထူရူ႕ယာင္ထင္း
အးကာင္ေထံဖါ သုဂ္လင္သာဖ၀္.
ဆု္ဍာထံင္လင္ ခါန္.ပု္ယင္လ္ွ
ဍဳံဌာန္႔ ပၱံင္အးတယ္ဟွဟ္။
မာန္က်ာ္အဲဆုိဒ္
႓ုံးကု္တိက္
မညီညြတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ေပးဆပ္ရသည့္ အဖိုးအခမ်ား
မန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား၏ ဦးတည္ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား မဆံုး႐ႈံးလိုပါက ယခုအခ်ိန္တြင္ မိမိကိုယ္မိမိ ျပန္လည္ေ၀ဖန္ သံုးသပ္မႈမ်ား မျဖစ္မေန လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ လိုအပ္ေနေပၿပီ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈက ႏွစ္ ၂၀ တိုင္ခဲ့ေလၿပီ။ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ ၂ ခု ကာလအတြင္း မည္သည့္ေအာင္ျမင္ မႈမ်ားရခဲ့သနည္း။ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ပန္းတိုင္ဆီသို႔ ပို၍ နီးကပ္ လာျခင္း ရွိ မရွိ ဆိုသည့္ ေမးခြန္းမ်ား ထုတ္ရပါ ေတာ့မည္္။
ထုိေမးခြန္းမ်ားကို အေျဖထုတ္ရန္ ၈ ေလးလံုး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့ေသာ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္း ၅ ဦး၏ ကံၾကမၼာကို ေလ့လာၾကည့္႐ႈသင့္သည္။ ေသြးစြန္းေသာ ထိုေန႔ရက္မ်ားတြင္ သူတို႔တေတြ အတူတကြ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ မေမာမပန္း ခ်ီတက္ခဲ့ၾကဖူးသည္။
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အသက္ ၂၀ အရြယ္သာရိွေသးေသာ ကိုထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က ယခုအခါ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တေနရာတြင္ ပုန္းေအာင္း ေနရ၏။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွစ၍ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ ၅ ခုသို႔ ၀င္ခ်ည္၊ ထြက္ခ်ည္ျဖင့္ ဘ၀ကိုျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့ရင္း အက်ဥ္းသား ဘ၀ကို လံုလံုေလာက္ေလာက္ ခံစားေတြ႔ႀကံဳခဲ့ဖူးၿပီးျဖစ္သည့္ ကိုထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္မွာ အသက္ ၄၀ အရြယ္ယခုတိုင္ ၀ရမ္းေျပး ဘ၀ျဖင့္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အဖမ္းအဆီး မွ လြတ္ရန္ တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနရသည္။
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ လူထုအံုႂကြမႈတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၁၆ ႏွစ္ က်ခံခဲ့ရေသာ ကိုတင္ေအးကေတာ့ ယခုအခ်ိန္တြင္ ျပည္ပသို႔ထြက္ေျပး လာခဲ့ၿပီး ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံ၊ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေနထိုင္လွ်က္ရွိသည္။ သူက ျပည္ ေျပးဘ၀ျဖင့္ ေလာေလာဆယ္ လြတ္လပ္မႈကို ခံစားေနရခ်ိန္တြင္ သူ႔ခ်စ္သူ မႏုိဘယ္ေအးက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ အရက္စက္ဆံုးဟု နာမည္ႀကီးသည့္ အင္းစိန္ ေထာင္ အက်ဥ္းခန္းတခုထဲ၌ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ က်ခံေနရသည္။
လက္ရွိ ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံ၊ ခ်င္းမိုင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေနထိုင္လွ်က္ ရွိေသာ ကိုေအာင္ႏုိင္ဦးႏွင့္ ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္တို႔ ႏွစ္ဦးကမူ ရက္စက္ၾကမ္း ၾကဳတ္ေသာ စစ္အစိုးရ လက္ေအာက္တြင္ ေျပးလႊား႐ုန္းကန္ေနရသည္ထက္ ျပည္ပတြင္ ေနထိုင္ျခင္းက ပို၍ေကာင္းသည္ ဟု ယူဆကာ ဤလမ္းကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္ ကူညီ ဖြဲ႕စည္းေပးခဲ့သည့္ ရန္ကုန္ရိွ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (လူငယ္ဌာနခြဲ) ကမူ အႏၲရာယ္မ်ားစြာ ၾကားတြင္ ဆက္လက္ လႈပ္ရွားေနၾကဆဲျဖစ္သည္။
ကိုေအာင္ႏုိင္ဦးကေတာ့ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ နယ္စပ္၌ စတင္တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့ေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္တပ္ဦး (ABSDF - ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ တခုတည္းေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား တပ္မေတာ္) ၏ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး အတြင္းေရးမႉး အျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့ဖူးသည္။
ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည့္ ၅ ဦးက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ားၾကားမွ ႐ုန္းကန္ လႈပ္ရွားေနၾကသည့္ ေထာင္ေပါင္း မ်ားစြာေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္ပ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အခက္အခဲမ်ားျဖင့္ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား မ်ားကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳေနသည့္ျပင္ ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ပံုရိပ္ ကဲ့သို႔လည္း ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ၄၆ ႏွစ္ၾကာ အာဏာရွင္ စစ္တပ္ ႀကီးစိုးေရး ၀ါဒေအာက္မွ တုိင္းျပည္တခု၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေန ကိုလည္း ေဖာ္ျပေပၚလြင္ ေနေစသည္။
ထို ၅ ဦးသည္ မတူညီေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္း မ်ားေပၚတြင္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္း ေနခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔၏ ဘံုရည္မွန္းခ်က္ ပန္းတိုင္ ကေတာ့ အတူတူပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံေနရေသာ သူတို႔၏ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ တည္ေဆာက္ရန္ ရည္သန္ထားၾကၿပီးလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။
ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀ ၾကာ၍ ျပန္ၾကည့္ေသာအခါတြင္ ထိုရည္မွန္းခ်က္က ပိုမို မႈန္၀ါးလာသလို ရွိေနသည္။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ ထိုသို႔မႈန္ဝါးခဲ့ရသည္ကို ျပန္လွန္စစ္ေၾကာရန္ လိုအပ္ၿပီျဖစ္၏။
ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရက တိုင္းျပည္ကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းမရိွသည့္ ကိစၥအေပၚ မည္သူမွ် အျငင္းမပြား။ လူထုအေပၚ မတရား ရက္စက္စြာ ဖိႏွိပ္ေနေသာ ကိစၥကလည္း ေမးခြန္းထုတ္စရာ မလိုေတာ့ပါ။ အလားတူ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခတ္ ပိတ္ဆို႔ျခင္းႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသိုင္းအ၀န္း၏ ဖိအားေပးမႈမ်ားက ထိေရာက္မႈ မရွိေၾကာင္းလည္း အထင္းသား ေပၚလြင္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ဆိုေသာ အခ်ိန္ကာလတခုသည္ ရက္စက္ေသာ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ခံစားက် ေရာက္ေနရသည့္ တိုင္းျပည္တခု အေနႏွင့္ အေျခခံ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစရန္ မလံုေလာက္ေသးသည့္ အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ရရိွေရးအတြက္ ဘ၀မ်ားကို ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံထားၾကရသည့္ အတိုက္အခံမ်ား အတြက္မူ တဘ၀စာ ျဖစ္သြား ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ယခုအခ်ိန္က ေလးေလးနက္နက္ ျပန္လည္ ဆန္းစစ္ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရမည့္ အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔မွသာ အင္အားသစ္တခု ေပၚထြန္းလာမည္ဟု လူအမ်ားက ယံုၾကည္ ေနၾကသည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြက မပါးနပ္ၾကဘူး။ သူတို႔ေတြက သာမာန္ ႐ိုး႐ိုး ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူ အဆင့္ေလာက္ပဲ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီထက္ပိုမရင့္က်က္ေသးဘူးလို႔ က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္။ သူတို႔ေတြက အာဏာကို ဘယ္လို ယူရမယ္ဆိုတာ မသိဘူး။ သူတို႔မွာ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာက်တဲ့ မူ၀ါဒေတြလည္း မရိွဘူး” ဟု တက္ႂကြ လႈပ္ရွားသူ တဦးဘ၀မွ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲ ျဖတ္တဦး ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သူ ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ လူထုအံုႂကြမႈတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္အမ်ားစုမွာ လူထုေနာက္သို႔ လုိက္ေနခဲ့ျခင္းသာျဖစ္ၿပီး လူထုကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့သူမ်ား မဟုတ္ၾကဟု ၎က ဆိုသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္လည္း မႀကိဳးပမ္းခဲ့ျခင္းေတာ့ မဟုတ္ခဲ့ေပ။ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားက လူထုအံုႂကြမႈကို စတင္ လိုက္သည္ႏွင့္ မၾကာမီ မွာပင္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးဖခင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ သမီးျဖစ္သူ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုၾကည္ အပါအ၀င္ ၾသဇာတိကၠမႀကီးေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ားက လႈပ္ရွားမႈအတြင္း ပါ၀င္ပူးေပါင္းကာ လူပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးကို ဦးေဆာင္ႏိုင္ရန္ အားထုတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
တိုင္းျပည္တျပည္လံုးတြင္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး အဆံုးသတ္၍ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္ေရး အတြက္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မ်ား၊ စိတ္အားထက္သန္မႈမ်ားျဖင့္ ျပည့္ႏွက္ေနခဲ့သည္။
“ေဒၚစု၊ ဦးေအာင္ႀကီး၊ ဦးႏု အဲဒီလိုု ၾသဇာႀကီးတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေတြမ်ဳိး တိုင္းျပည္သမိုင္းမွာ ဘယ္တုန္းကမွ မရခဲ့ဖူးဘူး၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၀မ္းနည္းဖို႔ ေကာင္းတာက အဲဒီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေတြက အခြင့္အေရးကို အမိအရ မဆုပ္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကဘူး” ဟု ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ဦးက ေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။
ထိုေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၃ ဦးမွာ ညီညြတ္ေရးကို ပစ္ပယ္၍ ၎တို႔ လမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚတြင္သာ ေလွ်ာက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္ ဟု သူကဆက္ေျပာသည္။
“တကယ္လို႔မ်ား သူတို႔သာ ညီညြတ္ခဲ့မယ္ဆိုရင္ ဇာတ္လမ္းက တမ်ဳိးတဖံု ျဖစ္လာမွာ” ဟု ၎က ဆို၏။
ဆက္လက္၍ ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ဦးက စစ္တပ္အေနႏွင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ကို မထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ေတာ့သည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ထိုေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက ညီညြတ္စြာျဖင့္ ၾကားျဖတ္အစိုးရဖြဲ႔ျခင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ အရပ္သားအစိုးရ တရပ္ ေအာက္မွ ေစ့စပ္ညိႇႏိႈင္းရန္ ကမ္းလွမ္းျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သင့္သည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ထိုအခ်ိန္က ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ အရပ္သား အစိုးရတရပ္ ရိွေနခဲ့ခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးေန၀င္းႏွင့္ သူ၏ အရိုက္အရာဆက္ခံသူ “သားသတ္သမား”ဟု နာမည္ႀကီးသည့္ ဦးစိန္လြင္တို႔ ျပဳတ္က်ခဲ့ရၿပီးေနာက္ ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ က သမၼတအျဖစ္ ခန္႔အပ္ခံခဲ့ရသည္။
၁၉၈၈ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ အဆိုး၀ါးဆံုးေသာ အမွားမ်ားအနက္ တခုမွာ ညီညြတ္ေရး ကင္းမဲ့ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္၏။ ဧရာ၀တီမဂၢဇင္းက ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ေသာ လႈပ္ရွား တက္ႂကြသူ အမ်ားစုႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုက ထိုအခ်က္ကို ၀န္ခံခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ညီညြတ္ေရးဆိုသည္မွာ အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရတိုင္း ယခင္ကတည္းက တုန္လႈပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုတိုင္ ၎တို႔၏ ႏွလံုးသားအတြင္း ကိန္းေအာင္းေနေသာ စိမ့္၍ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနသည့္ ကိစၥ ျဖစ္သည္။ ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုမ်ားက အားထားႏိုင္သည့္ အထိေရာက္ဆံုး လက္နက္တခုလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း အတိုက္အခံမ်ားက ယခုတိုင္ ညီညြတ္ေရးကို မဆုပ္ကိုင္ ႏိုင္ၾကေသးေပ။ ညီညြတ္ျခင္းကင္းမဲ့ေနျခင္း ေၾကာင့္လည္း အာဏာရွင္ စစ္အစိုးရအတြက္ သက္ဆိုးရွည္ခြင့္ ရေနေစ ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
သာဓကအားျဖင့္ ၾသဇာတိကၠမႀကီးမားေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ ဗိုလ္မႈးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီး ႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေဟာင္း ဦးတင္ဦး တို႔ ဦးေဆာင္မႈေအာက္တြင္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့ေသာ အဓိကအတိုက္အခံ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ) သည္ပင္လ်င္ ညီညြတ္ေရးကုိ ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ မတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေပ။ ဦးေအာင္ႀကီးက ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ပုိင္းမွ ခြဲထြက္ကာ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ သူ႔ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ပါတီကို တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး အင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား မညီညြတ္ခဲ့သည္မွာ ယခုမွမဟုတ္။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ မတိုင္ခင္ ႏွစ္ ကာလမ်ားစြာ ကတည္းကပင္ ျမန္မာ့သမိုင္းတြင္ ရိွခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု လူထုအံုႂကြမႈ ကာလအတြင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလံုး ဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသား သမဂၢမ်ားအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (ဗကသ) ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့သူ ကိုတင္ေအးက မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်သည္။
“၂၀ ရာစုႏွစ္ အေစာပိုင္းကာလ ၿဗိတိသွ်အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈကို တြန္းလွန္တဲ့ ကာလမွာ ကတည္းက ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုေတြၾကားမွာ တကြဲတျပား ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့တာ” ဟု သူကေျပာသည္။
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ အစည္းအေ၀းတခုတြင္ ညီညြတ္ေရး မရႏိုင္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ကိစၥမ်ား ပ်က္ျပားခဲ့ရပံုကိုလည္း ကိုတင္ေအးက ျပန္ေျပာင္းေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။
“ဒါက ၿဗိတိသွ်ကိုလိုနီေတြ က်င့္သံုးခဲ့တဲ့ ေသြးခြဲ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး စနစ္ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ေနတာလို႔ ေျပာၾက ေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔သာ ခိုင္ခုိင္မာမာနဲ႔ ညီညြတ္ေနမယ္ ဆိုရင္ ဘယ္သူကမွ ေသြးခြဲလို႔မရပါဘူး” ဟု သူကဆိုသည္။
အမွန္တရားႏွင့္ တရားမွ်တမႈအတြက္ မားမားမတ္မတ္ ရပ္တည္႐ံု တခုတည္းျဖင့္ မလံုေလာက္ဟု ၾသဇာႀကီးေသာ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားအုပ္စု၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးျဖစ္သူ ကိုထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က ဆိုသည္။ သူကဲ့သို႔ေသာ က်န္ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ ေက်ာင္းသားအုပ္စု ေခါင္းေဆာင္အားလံုး ယခုအခ်ိန္တြင္ ေထာင္ထဲေရာက္ေနၾကၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ေတြက အမွန္တရားနဲ႔ တရားမွ်တမႈကို ခိုင္ခိုင္မာမာ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ ထားတာေတာ့ မွန္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒါေတြကို ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထား႐ံု နဲ႔ေတာ့ အလုပ္မျဖစ္ေသးဘူးဗ်။ အဲဒီလို အမွန္တရားဘက္၊ ျပည္သူ႔ဘက္မွာ မားမား မတ္မတ္ ရပ္ေနလို႔ပဲ တေန႔ ဒီတိုက္ပြဲ ေအာင္ျမင္ရမယ္ဆိုတာ ယံုၾကည္ထားၿပီးသားပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီေန႔က ဘယ္ေတာ့လဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေျမးျမစ္ေတြ လက္ထက္ က်မွလား” ဟု ကိုထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ား အားလံုး ပိုမိုႀကီးမားသည့္ အနစ္နာခံ စြန္႔လႊတ္မႈမ်ား ေပးဆပ္ရန္ အသင့္ရွိ ေနၾကသည္ဟု သူကဆိုသည္။
“ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ စဥ္းစားသင့္တာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ စြန္႔လႊတ္အနစ္နာခံမႈ တခုတည္းနဲ႔ ေအာင္ပြဲ ရ၊ မရ ဆိုတာပါပဲ” ဟု သူက ႏိႈင္းႏိႈင္းဆဆ ေျပာသည္။
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္မွ စ၍ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွား တက္ႂကြသူ မ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရက ရက္စက္ၾကမ္းၾကဳတ္မႈ မ်ားျဖင့္ နာမည္ႀကီးသည့္ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မ်ားတြင္ ေထာင္သြင္းအက်ဥ္းခ် ထားခဲ့ၿပီး အနည္းဆံုး ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ၁၃၇ ဦးက စစ္အစိုးရ၏ သံတုိင္မ်ား ေနာက္ကြယ္တြင္ အသက္ဆံုး႐ႈံး ခဲ့ရသည္ဟု ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံအေျခစိုက္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္း သားမ်ား ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးအသင္း (ျမန္မာျပည္) (AAPP) က ထုတ္ ျပန္သည့္ ကိန္းဂဏန္းမ်ားအရ သိရွိရပါသည္။
ထိုမွ်မက ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ လူထုအံုႂကြမႈႀကီးအား ျပင္းထန္စြာ ၿဖိဳခြင္းခဲ့ၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ေထာင္ေသာင္းခ်ီေသာ လႈပ္ရွား တက္ႂကြသူမ်ားလည္း ျပည္ပသို႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ခဲ့ၾကရသည္။
တကုိယ္ေရ စြန္႔လႊတ္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ အဆင္သင့္ျပင္ဆင္ထား႐ံုမွ်ျဖင့္ မလံုေလာက္ဘဲ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ား အေနျဖင့္ လက္ေတြ႔က်ေသာ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ၊ ရွင္းလင္းေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးအတြက္ ပိုမို အာ႐ံုစိုက္သင့္သည္ဟု ကိုထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က ေျပာသည္။
၁၉၈၈ လူထုအံုႂကြမႈႏွင့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းႏွစ္မ်ားအထိ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အၿပီး ကာလမ်ားတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အားလံုးနီးပါး တရားေသ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့ေသာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ားအနက္ တခုမွာ စစ္တပ္ကို သူတို႔၏ ေနရာမွန္၊ စစ္တန္း လ်ားသို႔ ျပန္ပို႔ေရးပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤမူ၀ါဒကို ဆုပ္ကိုင္ သူမ်ားထဲတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္လည္း တဦး အပါအ၀င္ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူ၏ဖခင္က စစ္တပ္ကို တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သူ တဦး ျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္တပ္၏ အခန္းက႑သည္ လူထုကို ႏွိပ္စက္ရန္မဟုတ္ ဟုလည္း သူက ျပန္ေျပာင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္။
ယခုအခ်ိန္တြင္ ျပည္ပေရာက္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (လြတ္ေျမာက္ နယ္ေျမ) ၏ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ေကာ္မတီ တာ၀န္ခံ ျဖစ္ေသာ ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္က ထိုနည္းလမ္းကို အစြန္းေရာက္သည္ဟု ျမင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ မူ၀ါဒအားနည္းခ်က္တခုက မင္းတို႔ ငါ့ဘက္ကလား ရန္သူ႔ဘက္ကလား ဆိုၿပီး စဥ္းစားၾကတဲ့ အခ်က္ပဲ။ အလယ္အလတ္ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ပံုစံမ်ဳိးဆိုတာ မရိွခဲ့ဘူး။ စစ္အစိုးရကို ပိုၿပီး ခပ္ရိုင္းရိုင္း၊ ခပ္ထန္ထန္၊ ခပ္ၾကမ္းၾကမ္း စကားလံုးေတြနဲ႔ မေျပာႏိုင္ရင္ ခင္ဗ်ား ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေနရာ ရမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး” ဟု ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္က သံုးသပ္သည္။
အက်ဳိးဆက္အျဖစ္ ဘက္ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးက တဘက္ႏွင့္တဘက္ အေပးအယူ လုပ္ျခင္းထက္ အၿပီးသတ္ ေခ်မႈန္း ေရးကိုသာ ဦးတည္ေနၾကသည္ဟု သူက ေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။
“အန္အယ္လ္ဒီက ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အႏိုင္ရခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ဘဝင္ျမင့္သြားတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္က ပါတီ၀င္ ေတြၾကားမွာ လက္ေတြ႔မက်တဲ့ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြ ျဖစ္ေစခဲ့တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသာစီး ရၿပီလို႔ ထင္ခဲ့့ၾကတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကို ပြဲသိမ္းလို႔ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆတာ မဟာအမွားပဲ” ဟု ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္က ေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။
အန္အယ္လ္ဒီအဖြဲ႕ဝင္ အမ်ားစုလိုခ်င္သည္မွာ စစ္တပ္က ၎တို႔ပါတီထံသို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာ လႊဲေျပာင္းေပးအပ္ရန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ယင္းအခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ပင္ စစ္တပ္ကို ပို၍ ေ၀းကြာ သြားေစၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသား ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးလုပ္ရန္ အတြက္လည္း ပို၍ အလွမ္းေ၀း သြားေစသည္ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။
“၁၉၈၈၊ ၉၀ ကာလေတြမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက စစ္ေျမျပင္ႀကီးလိုပဲ။ ေဒၚစုက က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ တပ္မႉးေပါ့။ ျပည္သူေတြကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က အင္အားႀကီးတဲ့ တကယ့္စစ္တပ္ႀကီးနဲ႔ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေနတာနဲ႔ တူတယ္။ စစ္တပ္က က်ေနာ္တို႔ တပ္ေတြကို ၿဖိဳခြင္းလိုက္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုယ့္အင္အား ကို ကိုယ္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျပန္မတည္ေဆာက္ ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူး” ဟု ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္က ေျပာသည္။
ထိုစဥ္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ားနည္းတူ လႈပ္ရွား တက္ႂကြသူမ်ား၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေတြ႔အႀကံဳမွာ ၃၊ ၄ လ ခန္႔သာ ရိွေသး ေသာ္လည္း အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္တြင္ မူ၀ါဒခ်မွတ္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္ဟု သူက ေျပာျပသည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ အမွားတခုကေတာ့ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္ေတြကို အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ မူ၀ါဒထဲမွာ ေရာထည့္ ခဲ့ၾကတာပဲ။ ႏြားရိုင္းသတ္ပြဲလို မည္းမည္းျမင္ရာ လိုက္ေဝွ႕ေနသလို ျဖစ္ေနတယ္” ဟု သူက ျပန္ေျပာင္း သံုးသပ္သည္။
ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး အမ်ားစုကလည္း ဤသို႔ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ ျပင္းထန္မႈမ်ဳိးကို သေဘာက်ခဲ့ၿပီး အေပးအယူ လုပ္ရန္ မလိုလား ခဲ့ၾကဟု ကိုညိဳအုန္းျမင့္က ဆိုသည္။
“၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္က တကယ့္ကို ႀကီးမားတဲ့ လူထုအံုႂကြမႈႀကီးကို ျမင္ေတြ႕ခဲ့ရၿပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတြက လံုး၀ ၿပီးျပည့္ စံုတဲ့ ေအာင္ပြဲတခု ရေတာ့မယ္္လို႔ ထင္ခဲ့ၾကတာ” ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ဦးက အဂၤလိပ္ကဗ်ာဆရာ ၀ီလီယံ အားနက္စ္ ဟန္နလီ ေရးသည့္ အႏိုင္မခံ (Invictus) ဆိုေသာ ကဗ်ာထဲမွ စာေၾကာင္းတေၾကာင္းကို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ အလြန္သေဘာက်ခဲ့သည္ဟု ေျပာျပသည္။
“ငါ၏ ဦးေခါင္း ေသြးမ်ားျဖင့္ ရဲရဲနီလွ်က္ရွိသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ညြတ္ကား မညြတ္.. ဆိုတဲ့စာသားေလးပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေတြလည္း အဲဒီသတၱိမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ႀကီးျပင္းလာခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တျခားဘက္မွာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အျပန္အလွန္ ညႇိႏႈိင္းမႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္” ဟု ကိုေအာင္ႏုိင္ဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။
အတိုက္အခံ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အေပးအယူမလုပ္ႏိုင္ျခင္းမွာ အံအားသင့္ဖြယ္ မဟုတ္ေပ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ အတိုက္အခံမ်ား အခ်င္းခ်င္း အၾကားတြင္ပင္ အေပးအယူ မလုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ဦးက သံုးသပ္သည္။
“ရန္သူကို အထီးက်န္မျဖစ္ပါေစနဲ႔။ ရန္သူကို ေခ်ာင္ထဲမွာ ထိုးမထားပါနဲ႔။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က ရန္သူကို အလင္းထဲကို ဆြဲထုတ္ဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ရင္ေတာ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲဆိုတာ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ျဖစ္လာမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး” ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ စစ္တပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကို အလင္းေရာင္အတြင္းသို႔ ထြက္လာ ေစရန္ မည္သို႔ ဆြဲေဆာင္ရမည္ကို မည္သူ တဦး တေယာက္မွ် မသိခဲ့ၾကေပ။ ေသခ်ာသည္ကေတာ့ စစ္အစိုးရတြင္ ထို႔ကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆႏၵ မရိွသည္ ကို သမိုင္းက သက္ေသျပခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး အတြက္ ႁခြင္းခ်က္မထား၊ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုေန မည့္အစား စစ္အစိုးရ ထံသို႔ ရွင္လင္းျပတ္သားသည့္ အာဏာခြဲေ၀ယူေရး ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကို ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာကာ တင္ျပ သင့္သည္ဟု ကိုေအာင္ႏုိင္ဦးက ယံုၾကည္ေနသည္။
“ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးက အစြန္း ၂ ဘက္ကို ေရာက္ေနၾကတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က အစြန္းေရာက္ အေျဖေတြ ရွာၾကမွာလား။ စစ္အစိုးရကို ဗံုးက်ဲၿပီး အျပတ္ ရွင္းပစ္ႏုိင္မွာလား။ ဒါက မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဒါဆို စစ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ လံုး၀ ပူးေပါင္းမလား။ ဒါကလည္း မျဖစ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းတခုပဲ” ဟု သူက ဆုိသည္။
အလယ္အလတ္က်ေသာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရး နည္းလမ္းသည္လည္း အလုပ္မျဖစ္ဟု သူကေျပာျပန္သည္။
“ဒါဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔က ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ ျပန္လည္ေ၀ဖန္ ဆန္းစစ္မႈ လုပ္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေနၿပီ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ရလဒ္ေကာင္းေတြ ထြက္ေပၚႏိုင္တဲ့ နည္းေတြကို စဥ္းစားဖို႔လိုလာၿပီ။ ၁ ႏွစ္ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ၂ ႏွစ္ ေလာက္ မွား ခဲ့တာက ျပႆနာမဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ေတာင္ မွားတယ္ ဆိုတာေတာ့ မျဖစ္သင့္ဘူး” ဟု ကိုေအာင္ႏိုင္ ဦးက မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်သည္။
ဧရာ၀တီမွ ကူးယူသည္
ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္း
ေမြးရးပ္ဇာတိ
ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ ေတာင္ငူၿမိဳ႕၊ စစ္ေတာင္းျမစ္အေရွ႕ဖက္ျခမ္း၊ ကသဲစုေက်းရြာတြင္ အဖ ေဒါက္တာဒါေမဘုိးမင္း၊ အမိ ေနာ္ဆယ္ေဖာတုိ႔မွ ေမြးဖြားေသာ သားသုံးေယာက္အနက္ ၾသရသသားႀကီးျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ခရစ္သကၠရာဇ္ ၁၉၀၄-ခု၊ ဧၿပီလ (၂၇)ရက္၊ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔တြင္ ေမြးဖြားခဲ့ သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ ငယ္စဥ္ပညာသင္ခ်ိန္၌ ေတာင္ငူၿမိဳ႕-ဘန္းကားမစ္ရွင္ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္း-တြင္ ဆ႒မတန္းေအာင္ျမင္သည့္အထိ ပညာဆည္းပူးခဲ့သည္၊ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၊ ကူရွင္အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းတြင္ ဒႆမတန္းေအာင္ျမင္သည့္အထိ ဆက္လက္ ပညာဆည္းပူးခဲ့ၿပီး ရန္ကုန္ -ဂ်ပ္ဆင္ေကာလိပ္-တြင္ L.A Senior ေအာင္ျမင္သည့္အထိ တကၠ သုိလ္ပညာကုိ (၂)ႏွစ္ သင္ယူခဲ့သည္။
အိမ္ေထာင္သည္ဘ၀
တကၠသုိလ္ပညာကုိ ဆုံးခန္းတုိင္ မၿပီးေျမာက္ခင္မွာပဲ ေဆြမ်ိဳးေတာ္စပ္သူ -ေနာ္ေသး ျဖဴ-ႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ခဲ့သည္၊ ၄င္းတုိ႔ ႏွစ္ဦးအိမ္ေထာင္သက္တမ္းတြင္ သားသမီး (၁၁) ေယာက္ထြန္းကားခဲ့သည္၊ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ အမ်ိဳးသားအက်ိဳးအတြက္ ေဆာင္ ရြက္ေနေသာ ဖခင္ႀကီး၏ အလုပ္ကိစၥမ်ားကုိ တတ္အားသေရြ႕ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ေပးခဲ့ရသလုိ တစ္ ဖက္မွာလည္း မိဘမ်ားပုိင္ဆုိင္ေသာ ဆင္မ်ားႏွင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရေသာ သစ္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိ လည္း ကြပ္ကဲစီမံေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရသည္။
ဘ၀အေျပာင္းအလဲ
၁၉၂၆-ခုႏွစ္၌ ဆင္ျဖဴေတာ္ကုိ အဂၤလန္ႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသုိ႔ ေခၚေဆာင္ျပသခဲ့ေသာ ဖခင္ႀကီး၏ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံခရီးစဥ္၌ ဖခင္ႏွင့္အတူ ညီျဖစ္သူ ေစာတြန္မ္ဆင္ႏွင့္တကြ လုိက္ ပါသြားၾကသည္၊ ထုိခရီးစဥ္မၿပီးဆုံးမီ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံတြင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္စရာကိစၥမ်ားရိွေန၍ မိမိတစ္ ဦးတည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ျပန္လာခဲ့ပါသည္၊ ဖခင္ႀကီးသည္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားခရီးစဥ္မွာ ျပန္ေရာက္လာၿပီး မၾကာခင္မွပဲ ၁၉၃၁-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ပါသည္၊ ဖခင္ကြယ္လြန္ၿပီး ေနာက္ မခင္ႀကီးအပါးမွာ သားသမီးအရင္းခ်ာဟူ၍ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းတစ္ေယာက္ တည္းသာ ရိွေန ခဲ့ပါသည္၊ ညီျဖစ္သူ ေစာေ၀ါလ္ဆင္မွာ ေတာင္ငူတြင္ ေမးခုိင္ေရာဂါျဖင့္ ကြန္လြန္ခဲ့ရၿပီး ညီလတ္ ေစာတြန္မ္ဆင္က အဂၤလန္မွာပညာသင္ယူရန္ေနခဲ့သည္။
သေတာကရင္ဘာသာေရးအသင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္
ဖခင္ႀကီးမကြယ္လြန္မီ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔၏ဗီဇကုိ အေျခခံေသာ မိရုိးဖလာယုံၾကည္ကုိးကြယ္မႈ အယူ၀ါဒဂုိဏ္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္၊ ယင္းဘာသာေရးဂုိဏ္းကုိ တည္ေထာင္ ေပးခဲ့သူမွာ ဘုိးပုိက္ဆံ ေခၚ ဖူးဘူးဘြယ္မူး ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဆင္ျဖဴရွင္ျဖစ္လာေသာ ေဒါက္တာဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ ဘုိးပုိက္ဆံ၏ ဗ်ာဒိတ္အရ ဘာသာေရးဂုိဏ္းေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရသည္၊အဆုိပါ ဘာသာေရးဂုိဏ္း တရား၀င္ရပ္တည္ႏုိင္ေရးအတြက္ ေဒါက္တာဒီဘုိးမင္း က (The Register of Joint Stock Companies, Burma) မွတ္တမ္းရုံးတြင္ (The Society of Righteousness ) -သေတာကရင္ဘာသာေရးအသင္း- တစ္သင္းအျဖစ္ မွတ္ပုံတင္ခဲ့ သည္၊ ေဒါက္တာဒီဘုိးမင္း ကြယ္လြန္သြားေသာအခါ ၄င္းအရုိက္အရာကုိ ဆက္ခံသူ ေခါင္း ေဆာင္တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္ သားႀကီးျဖစ္သူ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းကုိ ယင္းဘာသာေရးအသင္း၏ အဖဲြ႕၀င္လူႀကီးအားလုံးတုိ႔က တညီတညြတ္တည္း သေဘာတူလုိက္ၾကသည္၊ လူမွာအမ်ိဳး ၾကက္မွာအရုိး-ဆုိရုိးစကားအတုိင္း ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္း၏ အဘုိးျဖစ္သူ ဖူးပေယာ္သဲ သည္လည္း ထုိစဥ္တစ္ခ်ိန္က ေတာင္ငူခရုိင္၊ သံေတာင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ သဲေဘာဒဲ ကရင္စုေက်းရြာ၌ ၾသဇာေညာင္းေသာေက်းရြာလူႀကီးတစ္ဦးျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္၊ ဖခင္ႀကီးမွာလည္း ထင္ေပၚေက်ာ္ၾကား ေသာ ပုဂၢိဳလ္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး ေဒါကလုေခၚ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံးအသင္း၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦးလည္းျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္၊ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ အမ်ားကုိ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈျပဳရေသာ ေစာဂြ်န္ဒီဘုိးမင္း သည္ မ်ိဳးရုိးကေပးအပ္ေသာ အေမြအႏွစ္တစ္ခုဟု သတ္မွတ္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
အမ်ိဳးသားေရး
ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းအေနျဖင့္ ယင္းဘာသာေရးအသင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေနရာကုိ ႏွစ္ႏွစ္တုိင္မွ် ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ညီျဖစ္သူ ေစာတြန္မ္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ အဂၤလန္ႏုိင္ငံ၌ ပညာဆည္းပူးမႈၿပီးဆုံး၍ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ၁၉၃၃-ခု၊ ေမလတြင္ ျပန္ေရာက္ရိွလာခ့ဲသည္၊ ထုိအ ခ်ိန္ကာလ၌ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ႀကီးတြင္ ကုိလုိနီနယ္ခ်က္အုပ္စုိးမႈစနစ္လက္ေအာက္မွ လြတ္ ေျမာက္ရန္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းရိွ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားတုိ႔သည္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးစိတ္ဓာတ္ တက္ႀကြႏုိးၾကားလာၾကေသာအခ်ိန္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအ အတြက္ လႈပ္ရွားလာၾကေသာ အခ်ိန္အခါလည္းျဖစ္သည္၊ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ ဇာတိ ေသြးျပည့္၀သူတစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည့္အတုိင္း ထုိအခ်ိန္က သူ၏အသက္အရြယ္အားျဖင့္လည္း လူ လတ္ပုိင္းအတြင္းသုိ႔ ခ်င္းနင္း၀င္ေရာက္လာခ်ိန္ျဖစ္၍ အေတြးအေခၚအယူအဆမွာလည္း ရင့္ က်က္မႈရရိွလာသည္ ျဖစ္သည့္အားေလ်ာ္စြာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးအတြက္ အျခားေသာ တုိင္းရင္း သားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားနည္းတူ ႏုိင္ငံေရးတြင္ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ စိတ္အားထက္သန္ေနသူ တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည္။
သုိ႔ျဖစ္၍ ညီျဖစ္သူ ေစာတြန္မ္ ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္း ႏုိင္ငံျခားမွ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရိွၿပီးမၾကာမီ တြင္ သာသားေရးႏွင့္သာသက္ဆုိင္ေသာ သေတာကရင္အသင္းေတာ္ႀကီး၏ ေနရာကုိ ညီျဖစ္ သူအား လႊဲေျပာင္းေပးႏုိင္ေရးအတြက္ အသင္းလူႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္တုိင္ပင္ၿပီး စီစဥ္္ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾက သည္၊ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ၁၉၃၃-ခု၊ ဇြန္လ(၈)ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လက္ပံတန္းၿမိဳ႕၌ အသင္းအစည္းအေ၀း တစ္ရပ္ေခၚယူက်င္းပသည္၊ ထုိအစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းက အသင္း၏လက္ရိွ ဂုိဏ္းခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေနရာမွ ႏႈတ္ထြက္ၿပီး ညီျဖစ္သူ ေစာတြန္မ္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းအား အသင္းလူႀကီးမ်ား အားလုံးတုိ႔၏သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ျဖင့္ အသင္းႀကီး၏ ဂုိဏ္းခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအျဖင့္ တင္ေျမာက္လုိက္ၾက သည္။
ပါလီမန္အမတ္ျဖစ္လာျခင္း
၁၉၃၆-ခုႏွစ္၊ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာလအတြင္း၌ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြတြင္ ေစာဂြ်န္ဒီဘုိးမင္းသည္ ေတာင္ငူခရုိင္မွ ကရင္ႏွင့္ ေတာင္သူလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကုိ ကုိယ္စားျပဳေသာ ပါလီမန္အမတ္တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္ ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ရာမွ အႏုိင္ရရိွ၍ ပါလီမန္အမတ္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္ လာသည္။ ထုိေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ၌ ပါ၀င္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ေသာ အျခားကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းေျခာက္ဦးကုိ မဲအျပတ္အသတ္ျဖင့္ အႏုိင္ယူခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႔အတြက္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္
ပါလီမန္အမတ္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္လာသည္ႏွင့္ တစ္ၿပိဳင္နက္ ကရင္တစ္မ်ိဳးသားလုံးအတြက္ လုိအပ္ ခ်က္တစ္ခုျဖစ္ေသာ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႔ကို အစုိးရအသိအမွတ္ျပဳတရား၀င္ရုံးပိတ္ရက္အျဖစ္ -ေဒါကလု-အသင္း၏ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္အရ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း ေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့ျခင္းမရိွေသး သည့္ ယင္းကိစၥကုိ ကုိင္တြယ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့သည္၊ ကရင္အမတ္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သူေစာျမတ္သိန္းႏွင့္တုိင္ပင္ၿပီး ယင္းကိစၥေအာင္ေအာင္ျမင္ျမင္ျဖင့္ ျဖစ္လာေစရန္ တစ္ျခားေသာတုိင္းရင္းသားကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အေပးအယူလုပ္ကာ ၄င္းတုိ႔အားလုံး၏ ေထာက္ခံမႈကုိရရိွခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႔အေရးကိစၥမွာ ေအာင္လံထူႏုိင္ခဲ့သည္၊ ၄င္းကပင္ မည္သည့္လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္တစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္မွ် မတင္သြင္းရဲေသာ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္လစာႏွင့္ ခရီးစရိတ္ရရိွေရးဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းကုိ တင္သြင္းရာမွာလည္း ေအာင္ျမင္မႈရရိွခဲ့သည္။
ထုိ႔ျပင္ လာဘ္စားမႈပေပ်ာက္ေရးအတြက္ အဆုိျပဳမူၾကမ္းတစ္ရပ္တင္သြင္းရာမွာလည္း ပါလီမန္က လက္ခံအတည္ျပဳေပးၿပီး လာဘ္စားမႈပေပ်ာက္ေရးေကာ္မတီတစ္ခုကုိ အစုိးရက ဖဲြ႔စည္းေပးလုိက္ရသည္၊
ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္း ပထမအႀကိမ္ေရြးေကာက္ခံခဲ့ရေသာ ပါလီမန္သက္တမ္း၌ ၄င္း မဲဆႏၵနယ္ေျမအတြက္သာမကဘဲ တုိင္းျပည္ႏွင့္ ကရင္တစ္မ်ိဳးသားလုံးအတြက္ပါ အက်ိဳးရိွ ေသာ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိ ထင္ထင္ရွားရွား ေတြ႕ျမင္ခဲ့ရေသာ ကရင္လူထုႀကီးက ထုိပါလီမန္သက္တမ္း ကုန္ဆုံး၍ ေနာက္တစ္ႀကိမ္ျပဳလုပ္မည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအတြက္ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းကုိသာ ဆက္လက္ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမာက္ၾကဖုိ႔ ကရင္လူထုအတြင္း ေျပာ ဆုိသံႏွင့္ ကရင္ဘာသာျဖင့္ ထုတ္ေ၀ေသာစာေစာင္မ်ား၌ ေရးသားတုိက္တြန္းမႈမ်ား ဆက္ တုိက္ထြက္ေပၚလာသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ျမင္ၾကရသည္၊ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဘုိးမင္းကုိ ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ႏွင့္ ၄င္းအား ဆက္လက္ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမာက္ေစလုိေၾကာင္း တုိက္တြန္းေရးသားသူမ်ားအ ထဲ၌ ထင္ရွားေသာ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ကရင့္သမုိင္း “ Burma and the Karen” စာအုုပ္ေရး သားသူ ဆရာေစာေအာင္လွ၊ The Karen Times စာအုပ္ေရးသားသူ ေဒါက္တာစံစီဖုိး၊ ဂ်ာနယ္အယ္ဒီတာ ေဒါက္တာေဒြး စသည့္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေက်ာ္မ်ား ပါ၀င္သည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရသည္။
သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ေနာက္တစ္ႀကိမ္ျပဳလုပ္ရန္ အခ်ိန္မေရာက္လာမီ ၁၉၄၀-ခုႏွစ္ အေစာပုိင္းကာလကစၿပီး ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ႀကီး၏ စစ္ရိပ္စစ္ေရာင္မ်ားက တစ္ကမၻာလုံးသုိ႔ ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕လာသည္၊ ထုိအခ်ိန္က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသည္ အဂၤလိပ္အစုိးရ၏ ႀကိဳးဆဲြအုပ္ ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္တြင္ ရိွေနသည့္အတြက္ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းေရးအေျခအေနႏွင့္ ကမၻာတစ္၀ွမ္း၌ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည့္ စစ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈအေျခအေနမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျပည္တြင္းလုံၿခံဳေရးကုိ ကြပ္ကဲထိန္း သိမ္းရန္ ခက္ခဲမည့္အေျခအေနသုိ႔ ဆိုက္ေရာက္ႏုိ္္င္သည္၊ ဤကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ိဳးေအာက္၌ အေထြေထြေရြးေကာက္ပဲြႀကီးျပဳလုပ္ရန္မသင့္ေတာ္ေၾကာင္း အဂၤလိပ္အစုိးရက ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္သည္၊ သို႔ျဖစ္၍ ဘုရင္ခံ -ဆာေဒၚမန္စမစ္-က နန္းရင္း၀န္ ဦးေစာ အစုိးရအဖဲြ႔ႏွင့္တုိင္ပင္ၿပီး ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအသစ္ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းကုိ ရပ္ဆုိင္းထားၿပီး လက္ရိွ ပါလီမန္သက္တမ္းကုိ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ၿပီးဆုံးသည့္ႏွစ္မွ ေနာက္ထပ္ဆယ့္ႏွစ္လအထိ တုိးေပး လုိက္သည္။
ဆက္လက္ေဖာ္ျပပါမည္
Thursday, August 21, 2008
အမွန္တရားႏွင့္ေ၀းရေသာ
တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕က ေျမြေတာ့မဟုတ္ဘူး
ဒါေပမယ့္ ေျမႀကီးေပၚမွာ အလ်ားလုိက္ေလွ်ာက္ေနၾကရတယ္၊
တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕က သမင္ေတာ့မဟုတ္ဘူး
ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ားေရွ႕မွာ အထိတ္တလန္႔ သြားေနရတယ္၊
တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕က်ေတာ့ က်ားေတာ့က်ားပဲ
ဒါေပမယ့္ ျခေသၤ့ကုိ ေၾကာက္ေနရတယ္၊
လူ႔ေလာကဟာ အားႀကီးသူႏုိင္ ရွဳံးသူအစားခံရတဲ့
တိရိစၦာန္ေလာကႀကီးတစ္ခုလုိ
ကမၻာဦးလူရုိင္းဘ၀ကုိ
ရာစုသစ္က တြန္းပုိ႔ေနေရာ့လား။
လူလူခ်င္းမွာ ညီမွ်ျခင္းပုစၦာအတြက္
ဘာေၾကာင့္ အေျဖခက္ေနတာလဲ
မုိးေပၚမွာတြားတဲ့တိမ္
ဇီ၀ိန္မရိွေပမယ့္
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့သေကၤတအလွရိွတယ္၊
စမ္းေခ်ာင္းမွာစီးတဲ့ေရ
ဇီ၀ိန္မရိွေပမယ့္
နား၀င္ခ်ိဳတဲ့ဂီတာသံရိွတယ္။
သက္မဲ့မွာအသိတရားမရိွေပမယ့္
လာထိတဲ့သူ႔အမွန္တရားက
ကာလသုံးပါးမွာ မ်က္ႏွာမလုိက္တတ္ဘူး
ရူးခ်င္ေယာင္ဟန္မေဆာင္တတ္ဘူး။
၀န္ထုတ္ေတြထမ္းထားရတဲ့ငါ့ပုခုံး
ဒဏ္ရာေတြနဲ႔ေလးလံခ်ိန္
နာဂစ္ကက်ိန္စာတစ္ခုလုိ
အန္ဖတ္ေတြကုိခါခ်ျပန္တယ္၊
ဘာနဲ႔မွညွိႏႈိင္းလုိ႔မရတဲ့အတၱ
အျမင္မမွန္တဲ့တစ္ကုိယ္ေကာင္းဆန္မႈ
လူမဆန္တဲ့အေတြးေတြၾကားမွာ
အမွန္တရားက ဆြံ႕ အ ဆဲ။
ဟွာင္.အဲဆုိဒ္
အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိ ဘယ္သူသတ္သလဲ?
အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိေၿပာလုိုက္ရင္မသိတဲ့လူမရွိသလုိ အတုယူရမယ့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္လည္းၿဖစ္တယ္။
ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္လာရင္သာမွေန သေဘာမ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ အမွားအမွန္ကုိခဲြၿခားသိၿမင္ၿပီး အမွန္ဖက္ကုိလုိက္ရမယ္ဆုိတာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တုိင္းသိၾက၏။ သိၾကေပမယ့္ တစ္ခ်ဳိေခါင္း္ေဆာင္ေတြအမွန္ဖက္္ကုိမလုိက္ရဲၾကေပ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ သားေတြသမီးေတြ မိသားစုေတြ နွင့္ ရာထူးေတြၿပဳတ္မွာဆုိးေသာေၾကာင့္ၿဖစ္၏။သုိ ့ေသာ္အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာက အဲဒီစိတ္ဓာတ္မ်ဳိးမဟုတ္ အမ်ားၾကဳိက္အမ်ားလက္ခံထု္ိက္သည့္အလုပ္ကုိပဲအမ်ားဖက္ကမားမားမတ္မတ္
အၿမဲရပ္တည္တဲ့စိတ္ဓာတ္ရွိ၏။ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းေၿပာရဲဆုိရဲ၏။
သူေတာ္ေကာင္တုိင္းကုိလူမုိက္ေတြကမၾကဳိက္ၾကဘူးဆုိတာအဘကဲ့သုိ႔သာဓကေတြ အေၿမာက္အမ်ားရွိခဲ့ၾက၏။ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းအၿမဲေၿပာေလ့ရိွတဲ့အဘကုိလူသတ္သမား လူမုိက္တစ္စုကမၾကဳိက္ရုံသာမကအဘကုိရက္ရက္စက္စက္သတ္ပစ္္လုိက္၏။ ပညာရွင္ေတြကအဘကုိ၀မ္းနည္းႏွေျမာမိၿပီးလူမုိက္တစ္စုက အဘေသသြားတာကုိ၀မ္းသာၿပီးလက္ခုတ္ေတြတီးၾက၏။
ဒါကသဘာ၀ၿဖစ္၏။အဘေသသြားတာကုိတစ္ကမၻာလုံးကသိၾကေပမယ့္အဘကုိ ဘယ္သူလက္ခ်က္ဘယ္သူသတ္သလဲဆုိတာမေရးတတ္မေၿပာတတ္ၾကေပ။
ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကစာေရးဆရာတစ္ေယာက္မဟုတ္ေပမယ့္လုိအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို
အနည္းငယ္ၿဖည့္စြက္ခ်င္၏။
တစ္ခ်ဳိ ့ကအဲဒီအေၾကာင္းရာကုိမေရးနဲ႕ လူမ်ဳိးထိခုိက္တယ္လ႔ုုိ ကြ်န္ေတာ္္ကုိတားၿမစ္ၾကတာလည္းရိွသည္၊ ္။ဒါေပမယ့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကလက္မ မေကာင္းလက္မ ေၿခမမေကာင္းေၿခမပဲလို ့ခံယူခ်က္ရွိ၍ အဲဒီမွန္ကန္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကုိေရးရင္ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးထိခုိက္မည္မဟုတ္ ထိခုိက္ေအာင္လဲ ရည္ရယ္ခ်က္မရိွပါ။ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ကရင္ၿပည္နယ္မွာလူမုိက္ေတြက္ိုအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားေေတြ႔ ဘူး၏။အဘကုိသတ္တဲ့လူမုိ္က္ထက္မုိက္တဲ့သူကမၻာမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္မေတ႔ြြ ဖူူးပါ။အဲဒီလူက ကရင္ၿပည္နည္၊လွိဳင္ဘဲြ ့ၿမိဳ ့နယ္ ထီလုံေက်းရြာက နွစ္မုိင္ေက်ာ္ကြာေ၀းတဲ့ မုခုိးရြာသား D.K.B.A.စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးၿဖစ္သည္္။ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးဟာ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ ၀င္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္ၿပီး လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္နွစ္ေက်ာ္ကၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးသူေတြထဲမွာ နာမယ္ေက်ာ္တစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္တယ္။ဗုိလ္ကုိးလုံးက်ဆုံးၿပီးေနာက္ ၿမဳိင္ၾကီးငူအ ေနာက္ ဘက္ၿခမ္း ကမာ့ေမာင္းနယ္၊ထီ့သဒန္းထားေက်းရြာ ဗုိလ္ကုိးလုံးတူမအရင္းၿဖစ္ ေသာ ဆရာမေနာ္ဘန္းနဲ ့လက္ထပ္ခဲ့တယ္။သူတုိ႔ ဟာ ၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္နာမည္ပ်က္ခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္၊ ေရႊြကုကၠဳိ္ ဗုိလ္ခ်စ္သူနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရး အတူူလုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ကနအဖနဲ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ထိန္ေမာင္ရဲ့သမက္လုပ္ၾကံခံရတာကုိ္ုK.N.U လက္ခ်က္ဟု နအဖနဲ႔သူရဲ့ေနာက္လုိက္တစ္စုကဘာအေထာက္အထားမွမရပဲ ထင္ေရာင္ထင္မွားခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ဒါေၾကာင့္နအဖက ေနာက္ကေနၾကဳိးကုိင္ၿပီးK.N.U.ေခါင္းေဆာင္ကုိၿပန္ကလက္စားေခ်ဖုိ႔အတြက္D.K.B.A ေခါင္းေဆာင္လူမုိက္ၾကီးဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးသည္ခုိင္းႏြားတစ္ေကာင္ပမာသူ႔ရဲ့ေနာက္လုိက္ တပည့္ ၇ ေယာက္နဲ႔ အတူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးအဘမန္းရွာကုိသတ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ထုိင္းဘတ္ေငြ နွစ္သိန္းေပးမယ္ ဟု နအဖရဲ႕ မက္လုံးေပးျခင္းကုိ ခံရၿပီး လူမုိက္ႀကီး ေခ်ာင္ၿပံဳးသည္ နဂုိၿမင္းေဆးကုန္ကူးၿပီးရလာတဲ့ေငြေတြကုိမေရာင့္ရဲနုိင္ပဲ နအဖေၿမာက္ေပးတဲ့ ေငြေတြ ကုိၿမင္လိုက္တာနဲ႔လူမုိက္ၾကီးခ်က္ခ်င္းခုိင္းတဲ့အတုိင္းလုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။လူမုိက္ၾကီးဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံးဟာ အဘဖဒုိမန္းရွာကုိသတ္ၿပီးတာနဲ႔ဗုိလ္ခ်စ္သူထံသုိ႔သြားၿပီ သူ႔အသက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအတြက္ေတာင္ခံတာကုိဗုိလ္ခ်စ္ကသူလုံၿခဳံေရးမယူေပးနုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ေၿပာ
ၿပီး သူ႔တပည္ ၇ ေယာက္နဲ႔အတူ နအဖစစ္တပ္ရွိၿမ၀တီသုိ႔သူ႔အသက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအတြက္္ ေတာင္းခံၿပန္တယ္။စစ္တပ္လည္းလုံၿခဳံေရးမယူေပးနုိင္တဲ့အတြက္လုံၿခဳံေရးအရိွဆုံးလုိ႔ထင္ရတဲ့့ၾကပ္ေၿပးေနၿပည္ေတာ္သုိ႔ေခၚသြားၿပီးအခုထိဘာမွမၾကားေတာ့ဘူး။
ဒါေၾကာင့္အဘမန္းရွာကုိ သတ္တဲ့သူက နအဖ ခုိင္းတုိင္းလုပ္ေပးေနၿမဲ ၿဖစ္ေသာ (D.K.B.A) တုိးတက္ေသာကရင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာအသင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ တုိးတက္ေသာေတာင္ေပၚကေစတီေတာ္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ့မိသားစုအတြက္သာ ၿဖစ္ေသာ လူသတ္သမားေခါင္ေဆာင္ ဗုိလ္ေခ်ာင္ၿပဳံး သာၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားတင္ၿပလုိက္ပါသည္။
ေမႊးေမႊး ကရင္ၿပည္နယ္သား
ေမႊးေမႊးဆီမွ အီးေမးလ္ကေနတဆင့္ ေရာက္ရိွလာေသာ စာအတုိင္းတင္လုိက္သည္၊
Friday, August 15, 2008
အေျခအေနအရ ေနထုိင္ျခင္း
ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးေနတဲ့ စိတၱဇပန္းခ်ီကားမ်ား
ေန႔လည္ေခါင္မ်ာလမ္းေလ်ာက္ရတာေမာတယ္
ဘ၀သစ္ကုိ စတင္ျခင္း
တေျမ႕ေျမ႕ႀကီးထြားလာတဲ့ အက်င့္ပ်က္ကုိ လကၡံဖုိ႔ရန္
ညင္းဆုိခဲ့တယ္
ရယ္ေမာဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္တည္လာေသာအေတြးမ်ားနဲ႔
ဒဏ္ရာရင့္လာတာကုိ ႀကိဳဆုိခဲ့တယ္
တစ္ေန႔ၿပီးသြားမယ္ဆုိတာ သိရဲ႕သားနဲ႔
အဆံုးကုိ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနတာဟာလဲ
လူ႔ဘ၀ရဲ႕အရသာလုိ႔သိခဲ့တယ္
ျဖစ္ခ်င္တုိင္းျဖစ္ခြင့္ရတဲ့ ကုသုိလ္မ်ဳိး မလုိခ်င္ဘူး
လူေသတုိင္း ေအာ္ဟစ္ငုိေၾကြရတဲ့ ဘ၀ကုိေၾကာက္တယ္
လူ႔ဘ၀ဆုိတာ လုေနရတဲ့ဘ၀ဆုိေတာ့
အနာဂတ္မွာ အနာေတြရပ္တန္႔သြားေအာင္
လုပ္ေနရတယ္
အေ၀းက ေနေရာင္ျခည္ဟာ
ရင္ညြန္႔ထဲ ထုိးက်မလာဘူး
ထေတာက္ေနတဲ့ မီးလွ်ံကုိ မေသေစနဲ႕
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရင္း လမ္းေပ်ာက္ေနတဲ့ဘ၀ေတြကုိ
လမ္းမေဖ်ာက္ပစ္ရင္ေကာင္းမယ္
ဥပါဒ္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အစာေတြပဲ စားေနရေတာ့
ေရာဂါေတြပဲ ရေနခဲ့တယ္
ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးေနတဲ့ တက္မက္မႈေတြကုိ
ရွာေဖြရင္း
ေရၾကည္ရာ ျမက္မႏုခဲ့ဘူး
အလင္းႏွစ္ သန္းတစ္ေထာင္ဆုိေပမဲ့
အေမွာင္ေတြပဲ ႀကီးစုိးေနခဲ့တယ္
အမွန္သိျမင္ဖုိ႔ အမွန္ေတြလုိအပ္တယ္
စစ္ကို စစ္နဲ႔ တုန္႔ျပန္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္ဘူး
ဆိုေတာ့
လြင့္ေနတဲ့ စိတ္ေတြ စုစည္းလိုက္တယ္
အေျခအေနအရ ေနထိုင္ရေပမယ့္
အေျခအေနေတြ မေခ်ဖ်က္ႏိုင္ေသးဘူး
၀ိပႆနာ ပညာမဲ့ေနတဲ့ စိတၱဇနာမ္ဟာ
ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ အေကာင္းမျမင္ဘူးဆိုတာ မွန္တယ္
အလိုမျပည့္တိုင္း ဒုကၡျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုရင္
ဒုကၡျဖစ္တိုင္း အလိုမျပည့္ဘူးေပါ့
ဒီေတာ့
စိတ္နာတယ္ဆိုလည္း
နာေနတဲ့ စိတ္ေတြ မကုသခ်င္ေတာ့ဘူး
ေလဟာနယ္မွာ
မျမင္ရတဲ့ အသံေတြၾကားေနရတယ္
ကုစားလို႔မရတဲ့ ေရာဂါမ်ား
ေအာ္ဟစ္လို႔ မရတဲ့ ဆာေလာင္မႈမ်ား
ေဖာ္ျပလို႔မရတဲ့ ဒဏ္ရာမ်ား
ေရးဆဲြလို႔မရတဲ့ ပန္းခ်ီကားမ်ား
တြန္းလွန္လို႔ မရတဲ့ ေ၀ဒနာမ်ား
ေျပာဆိုလို႔မရတဲ့ စကားလံုးမ်ား
ပ်ံသန္းလို႔မရတဲ့ အေတာင္ပံမ်ား
ေနထိုင္းျခင္းမွာွ စည္းေတြ ရွိခဲ့တယ္။
ဘ၀ကို ေခါစာခ်ေကၽြးရင္းေတာင္
ဘယ္ေခြးေလေခြလြင့္ကမွ လာစားမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး
အဲဒီလို က်ိန္စာသင့္ေနတဲ့ဘ၀ဟာ
ကမၻာေျမေပၚမွာ
အေျခအေနအရ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ။
(၂၀၀၈-မတ္-ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရႊင္-စိစစ္ေရးထိ)
ေမာင္မင္းစိုး (ေရႊနံ႔သာ)
ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသား႐ိုးရာ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာပြဲေတာ္ က်င္းပ
ယေန႔က်ေရာက္သည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတို႔၏ ႐ိုးရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္း အနားကို ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ မယ္ပေတာရဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းတြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။
၎ပြဲေတာ္ကို အေဝးေရာက္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၊ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ႏွင့္ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသားညီအကို ေမာင္ႏွမမ်ား တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား ဆြမ္းကပ္ျခင္း၊ ႐ိုးရာေတးသီခ်င္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
“ဒီပြဲေတာ္ကိုက်င္းပတဲ့ဆိုတာက ဟိုအရင္တုန္းလူႀကီးေတြက ယံုၾကည္မႈနဲ႔လုပ္တာပါ၊ မ်က္ ေမွာက္ေခတ္က်ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေတြၾကားမွာ စည္းလံုးညီၫြတ္မႈရွိဖို႔အဓိက ထားၿပီးလုပ္တာပါ” ဟု ကရင့္႐ိုးရာပြဲျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေရးေကာ္မတီအတြင္းေရးမွဴး မန္းမ်ဳိးျမင့္က ေျပာသည္။
ကရင့္႐ိုးရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္းအနားကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ ဝါေခါင္လတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္က်င္းပ ေလ့ရွိၿပီး ေရွးကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အယူအဆအရ ယခုလသည္ မေကာင္းဆိုးဝါးမ်ား ေပ်ာ္ျမဴးသည့္လျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ၎ဝိဉာဥ္မ်ား သားသမီးေျမးျမစ္မ်ားအေပၚ က်ေရာက္ျခင္း မရွိေစရန္ အေဆာင္အေယာင္ (၇) မ်ဳိးနဲ႔ စီမံထားသည့္ ခ်ည္ျဖဴမွ်င္ျဖင့္ လက္မွာပတ္ၿပီး အကာ အကြယ္ျပဳလုပ္သည့္ပြဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎ကဆက္လက္ေျပာသည္။
ပြဲေတာ္သို႔တက္ေရာက္လာသည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသူတဦးက “တႏွစ္တခါ က်မတို႔ ကရင္႐ိုးရာ လက္ခ်ည္ပြဲ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕႐ိုးရာပြဲျဖစ္လုိ႔လားေတာ့မသိဘူး၊ အရမ္းေပ်ာ္ပါတယ္၊ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေမာင္ႏွမေတြ ဒီမွာလာဆံုၾကတာေပါ့၊ အေျခအေနအရပ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ့္ၿမိဳ႕ကုိယ္ရြာမွာ မေပ်ာ္ခဲ့ရတာ ႏွစ္ (၂ဝ) ေလာက္ရွိၿပီ၊ ကုိယ့္ျပည္နယ္မွာသာ လုပ္ရရင္ေတာ့ ပိုေပ်ာ္မွာေပါ့” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယေန႔က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသား႐ိုးရာ ခ်ည္ျဖဴဖြဲ႔မဂၤလာ အခမ္းအနားကို ထိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း (၁၇) ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသား မ်ားမွာလည္း ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ႐ိုးရာပြဲေတာ္မ်ား က်င္းပေလ့ရွိေၾကာင္း ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
“ဒီလိုပြဲေတာ္ေတြဆိုရင္ စိတ္ထဲမွာ အရမ္းဘဲခံစားရတယ္၊ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္လူထုေတြ သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာ အမ်ားႀကီးဘဲ ေရာက္ေနၾကတယ္၊ တကယ္တမ္း ကုိယ့္ႏိုင္ငံ က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အစိုးရေတြသာ ေကာင္းရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကရင္လူထုေရာ၊ အျခားတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေရာ အားလံုး႐ိုးရာပြဲေတြကို လုပ္ႏိုင္မွာေပါ့၊ သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံမွာ လာလုပ္ရတဲ့အခါၾကေတာ့ သိပ္ေတာ့ မေပ်ာ္ရဘူး” ဟု ၎ကဆက္လက္ေျပာသည္။
စစ္အစိုးရအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား၏ စာေပ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ား ႏွင့္ ႏွစ္က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ႐ိုးရာပြဲေတာ္မ်ားကို တားျမစ္ပိတ္ပင္မႈမ်ားရွိေနၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ေနထိုင္ရာေဒသမ်ားတြင္လည္း လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားကို က်ဴးလြန္ေနလွ်က္ရွိသည္။
Yoma news
Thursday, August 14, 2008
အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို ေလးစားဖို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ - ရုရွားကို တိုက္တြန္း
အရင္ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြကို ရပ္ဆိုင္းဖို႔ သေဘာတူညီၿပီး ေနာက္တရက္အၾကာမွာ - ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ရုရွားစစ္တပ္သံုး ယာဥ္ေတြဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယံ ပိုင္နက္အတြင္းထဲအထိ တိုး၀င္ေနတုန္းပဲလို႔ သတင္းေတြ ထြက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က အခုလို ေျပာဆို သတိေပးလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဗီြအိုေအ သမၼတ အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ သတင္းေထာက္ Scott Stearns က သတင္းေပးပို႔ထားပါတယ္။
ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ကတိက၀တ္ အတိုင္း ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းက စစ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကို ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားၿပီး ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ရက္အတြင္း ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာအတြင္းပိုင္းထဲအထိ ၀င္ေရာက္ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ခဲ့တဲ့ သူ႔တပ္ေတြ အားလံုးကိုလည္း ျပန္လည္ ရုတ္သိမ္းမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း သမၼတဘုရွ္ ကေတာ့ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံ ဂိုရီၿမိဳ႕ အေရွ႕ဖက္ျခမ္းမွာ ရုရွားတပ္ေတြ ေနရာယူထားတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ စိုးရိမ္ပူပင္မိပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ ႏိုင္ငံကို အေရွ႕အေနာက္ ျဖတ္ထားတဲ့ လမ္းမႀကီးကို ပိတ္ပင္ထားသလို ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ရွကစ္ဗီလီကိုလည္း စစ္ေရး ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈ ရိွေစပါတယ္။ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာရဲ႕ Poti ဆိပ္ကမ္းၿမိဳ႕မွာလည္း ရုရွားတပ္ေတြ ၀င္ေရာက္ ေနရာယူထားတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ အေပၚမွာလည္း စိုးရိမ္မကင္း ျဖစ္ရပါတယ္။ ဒီကေန ရုရွားစစ္သံုးယာဥ္ ေတြဟာ ဆိပ္ကမ္းကို ပိတ္ဆို႔ထားၿပီး ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ သေဘၤာေတြကို တိုက္ခိုက္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြလည္း ထြက္ေနပါတယ္။”
ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးနဲ႕ ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးတို႔ နဲ႔အတူ သမၼတအိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ ျမက္ခင္းျပင္မွာလုပ္သြားတဲ့ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပဲြ မွာေတာ့ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု အေနနဲ႔ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းက် ေရြးျခယ္ခံရတဲ့ အစိုးရ နဲ႔အတူ ရပ္တည္သြားမယ္လို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာ ပိုင္နက္နယ္ေျမကို ေလးစားရမယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အခိုင္အမာ ကိုင္စဲြထားပါတယ္။ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အစိုးရ အေျပာင္းအလဲ လုပ္ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မရိွဘူး ဆိုတာကိုလည္း ရုရွားက ေျပာထားပါတယ္။ ရုရွား အေနနဲ႔ ဒီကတိက၀တ္ ကို ေလးစား လိုက္နာမယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာကပါ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားပါတယ္။”
သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွဟာ ဒီမတိုင္ခင္ကေတာ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ သမၼတ Mikheil Saakahvili နဲ႔ေရာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျဖစ္ဖို႔ ၾကား၀င္ ၫိႇႏိႈင္း ေပးေနတဲ့ ျပင္သစ္သမၼတ နီကိုးလပ္ ဆာကိုဇီ နဲ႔ပါ စကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ အေနနဲ႔ အခုဆိုရင္ သမၼတ ဆာကိုဇီနဲ႔ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေဆြးေႏြး တိုင္ပင္မႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ကြန္ဒိုလီဇာရိုက္စ္ ကို ျပင္သစ္ကို ေစလႊတ္ထားပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဟာ ရွကစ္ဗီလီ ကိုလည္း သြားၿပီး ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာ အစိုးရကို အေမရိကန္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံထားတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း စကားပါးဖို႔လည္း ရိွတယ္လို႔ သမၼတဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ဒီခရီးစဥ္မွာေတာ့ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာႏိုင္ငံကို အကာအကြယ္ ေပးဖို႔ရာ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ကမၻာက စုေ၀းတိုင္ပင္မႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔ သူမက ဆက္ႀကိဳးစားသြားမွာပါ။”
အေမရိကန္စစ္တပ္ဟာ ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာကို လူသားခ်င္းစာနာတဲ့ အကူအညီေတြ ေပးေရးအတြက္ ဦးေဆာင္သြားရာ ေရာက္မယ္လို႔ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။ အရပ္သားျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ ဒီအကူအညီ အေထာက္အပံ့ေတြ ေပးရာမွာ ပင္လယ္ဆိပ္ကမ္း ေလဆိပ္ ကုန္းလမ္းနဲ႔ ေ၀ဟင္ စတဲ့ လမ္းပမ္းသယ္ယူ ပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး ဆက္သြယ္ေရး ကိစၥေတြ အသံုးျပဳ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အတြက္ ရုရွားဖက္က ကတိက၀တ္အတို္င္း လိုက္နာမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းလည္း သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
၂၁ ရာစု ကမၻာႀကီးရဲ႕ သံတမန္ေရး ႏိုင္ငံေရး စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးဆိုင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္ေတြမွာ ရုရွားတို႔ ပူးေပါင္း ပါ၀င္လာႏိုင္ေရးမွာ အေမရိကန္ဖက္က အရင္က အေထာက္အကူ ျပဳေပးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သမၼတ ဘုရ္ွ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာမွာ အခုလို ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုက္တဲ့ ကိစၥေၾကာင့္ ရုရွားရဲ႕ ဒီရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြဟာ အခု ထိခိုက္လာႏိုင္ေခ် ရိွပါတယ္။ အခု လုပ္တဲ့ ကိစၥက ဒီလို ကမၻာ့အဖဲြ႔အစည္း ကမၻာ့ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းႀကီးရဲ႕ အေျခခံမူေတြနဲ႔လည္း မကိုက္ညီပါဘူး။ ရုရွားအေနနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္၊ ဥေရာပ သမဂၢနဲ႔ အျခားႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔ ပ်က္ျပားသြားတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ျပန္ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ ဆိုရင္ - ကမၻာမွာ သူ ရခဲ့တဲ့ေနရာ ျပန္ရဖို႔ ဆိုရင္ အခု သူေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားေတြအတိုင္း လိုက္နာၿပီး ဒီျပႆနာႀကီးကို အဆံုးသတ္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။”
အခု ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာအေရးအခင္း နဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ေတာ့ NATO (ေနတိုး) ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ား အေရးေပၚ အစည္းအေ၀းကို အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ေခၚယူထားပါတယ္။ ဒီအစည္းအေ၀းကို လာမယ့္ ရက္သီတင္းပတ္ အေစာပိုင္းမွာ က်င္းပဖြယ္ ရိွၿပီး ရုရွား အေနနဲ႔ ကေတာ့ ေလ့လာသူေနရာကေန တတ္ေရာက္ခြင့္ ရမွာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ေနတိုးဖက္ကေတာ့ ေျပာပါတယ္။ VOA News
Friday, August 8, 2008
Analysis: Asia after Bush
US President Bush spelled out a series of bilateral successes with Asian countries based on core American values and perceptions of security and prosperity. His emphasis on bilateralism over regionalism and multilateralism will be his principal legacy for future US engagement in Asia.
What was included in President George W Bush's major foreign policy speech in Bangkok was as important as that which was omitted. His overarching paradigm of freedom, prosperity and security and what he saw as the overall achievements of his two terms in office were unsurprising. But the good news for Mr Bush's successor is that the outgoing president's approach towards Asia leaves much room for manoeuvre, much space in which to operate.
With a wide array of Asian countries to choose from in delivering his remarks prior to his final destination of the Beijing Olympics, Mr Bush's choice of stopovers in Seoul and Bangkok were symbolic and testimony to America's longstanding priorities in Asia. South Korea and Thailand, two formal treaty partners of the United States, have formed linchpins in Washington's engagement with the region since World War Two.
The Korean War was a watershed in the 1950s during the Cold War. Its unfinished business over Korean reunification and the ongoing de-nuclearisation of North Korea remains a thorny issue and the main focus of Mr Bush's dealings with East Asia.
That Thailand was picked for the second leg of the overseas visit and venue for the major policy recap of the Bush years, is equally significant.
Thai-US relations have just reached a milestone of 175 years, the oldest relationship in these parts. Bangkok's anti-communist support during the Cold War never wavered. Thailand is not just a treaty partner but a major non-Nato ally. It struggled through a coup period and has returned to democratic rule. Mr Bush acknowledged this point but skipped the contested nature of Thai democracy, its prolonged crisis and stalemate.
Thailand's geography also made sense for Mr Bush's second Asia policy focus on Burma. Yet the president's brief reference to Burma's military regime and repression was surprisingly light. A full-blown castigation of the Burmese generals could have caused considerable discomfort for Bangkok, which has just assumed the chair of Asean, which includes Burma. As a next-door neighbour to Burma, Thailand risked tensions with the State Peace and Development Council if it allowed Mr Bush a springboard to castigate the Burmese generals.
Instead, Mr Bush and his wife used less official venues to make their points, featuring his lunch with leading Burmese dissidents and her high-profile visit to a refugee camp on the Thai-Burmese border. The cause of Burma's freedom, democracy and human rights was poignantly served but whether Mr Bush and his wife's gestures will make any difference on the ground is doubtful.
Under Mr Bush's watch, Washington's sanctions upon sanctions on Burma's military junta have been frustrated and overcome by the generals, and may have been counter-productive and detrimental in their unintended effect of exacerbating the people's hardship.
What Mr Bush skipped was the roles of India, China and Asean in effectively allowing the SPDC to go on. Mr Bush's successor will have ample opportunities to rebalance Washington's Burma policy to combine selective engagement with increased leverage on the big players in Burma's neighbourhood.
What Mr Bush highlighted as his accomplishments - alliance formation and reinforcement, pursuit of values such as freedom and democracy, Asia-Pacific growth and prosperity, and concerted efforts to "confront challenges", is an updated version of the Bush Doctrine, minus the primacy of security and the concept of pre-emption back in vogue in the wake of the Sept 11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington.
But here is where Mr Bush's omission is the most glaring. The war on terror, particularly in Iraq and to a lesser extent in Afghanistan, has been a grand US misadventure. It was misguided, and has failed for all intents and purposes. It has sapped the energy and resources which could have gone into what Mr Bush considers his success in Asia.
China was the third primary focus. Mr Bush was measured in his assessment, citing Beijing's role in the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear disarmament and the maintenance of cross-straits status quo i.e. neither Chinese takeover of the island nation nor Taiwanese declaration of independence. But Beijing was naturally chastised for its lack of freedom and human and religious rights. The more critical comments on China were best said in Bangkok, before the president arrives in Beijing.
The thrust of Mr Bush's remarks spelled out a series of bilateral successes with Asian countries based on core American values and perceptions of security and prosperity. Mr Bush's emphasis on bilateralism over regionalism and multilateralism will be his principal legacy for future US engagement in Asia.
The new administration from next January will have to ponder whether a broader conceptualisation of engaging Asia as a region by signing Asean's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and joining the inchoate regional architecture such as the Asean Plus Three, East Asian Community-building, and East Asia Summit, is in America's greater interest. The events of Sept 11 were Mr Bush's misfortune as they have subsequently defined his rule.
The next president will have more latitude to refashion US foreign policy in Asia with less of the baggage from the war on terror. He should see Asia as much more than just North Korea in the northeast and Burma in the southeast. In view of China's rise and nuanced handling of Asia, it behooves Washington to engage the region as an integrated partner, not on a bilateral basis but as a major architect of Asian regionalism.
By Thitinan Pongsudhirak, Director of the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University
Thursday, August 7, 2008
ကာရန္မညီေသာေက်ာက္စာ
တစ္ခါက-
ေဆာင္းအိုညမ်ားထဲ
ၾကယ္စင္ေတြ ေၾကြလုိက္ၾကတာ
ဒ႑ာရီလမင္းႀကီးလည္း
ပုံျပင္ေဟာင္းထဲဆန္ဖြတ္ခံရ။
ပထ၀ီမ်က္ႏွာနဲ႔
ထြင္းခဲ့တဲ့ အေမ့ရဲ႕ေက်ာက္စာ
သမုိင္းတစ္ခုရဲ႕ျပည္ေထာင္မွာ
လွပတဲ့ သံလြင္
ဧရာ၀တီ
ရာဇ၀င္ေတြနဲ႔
ညင္သာတဲ့တုိက္ကြက္ေလညင္း
ရင္ထဲဆဲြငင္ တုိက္စားရင္း
ရွင္သန္ျခင္းကမ္းစပ္ေတြ လဲၿပိဳခ့ဲရ၊
ဘာသာေရာင္လွိဳင္းလုံးမ်ားလည္း
ရုိးသားတဲ့ျမစ္တစ္စင္းေပၚ
တဖုံ႕ဖုံ႕ထန္ျပ
ညီညာရြက္တုိင္မ်ားတုိ႔ လႊင့္က်ခဲ့ေပါ့။
တစ္ခ်ိန္က-
အဖုိးရဲ႕ျမားေဟာင္းတစ္စင္း
ရင္ကုိ ပစ္ခြင္းလာျပန္ေတာ့
ေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနတဲ့ရုိးတြင္းပုိးမ်ား
အခ်င္းခ်င္းႏႈတ္ဆက္စကားေတြက
ေျမြတြန္သံလုိ
ကဲြအက္လာတ့ဲဖူးစာ
သံလြင္ေရေလာက္ေတာင္ သစၥာမရိွဘူး။
ရိွပါေစေတာ့-
အဲဒီသမုိင္းတံခါးမ်ား
ပိတ္ပစ္လုိက္တာၾကာၿပီ
ဘယ္အခါမွမေရြ႕တဲ့ ေကာင္းကင္ႀကီး
ဘယ္အခါမွ မတြားတဲ့ ေဟာ့ဒီေျမႀကီး
ႏွင္းေတြေ၀ေလ ဖားစည္သံသာယာေလပဲ။
စဟိန္းမင္းဇာ (၀ါးသခၤ)
အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္၀န္ႀကီး မန္းဘခုိင္
အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိင္သည္ ၁၉၀၃-ခုႏွစ္၊ ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၂၆-ရက္ေန႕တြင္ ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕အပုိင္ ယုန္သလင္း ရြာတြင္ ေမြးဖြားသည္၊ မိဘႏွစ္ပါးမွာ မန္းေပကုန္းႏွင့္ ေဒါပုတုိ႔ျဖစ္ၾကသည္၊ ေမြးခ်င္း ၁၀ ဦးရိွရာ မန္းဘခုိင္သည္ ပဥၥမေျမာက္ျဖစ္သည္၊ ယင္းေမြးခ်င္း (၁၀) ဦးအနက္ ပထမႏွင့္ အ႒မမွာ မိန္းကေလး ႏွစ္ဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး က်န္ရွစ္ဦးသည္ ေယာက်္ားကေလးမ်ားး္ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္၊ မန္းဘခုိင္ႏွင့္ တစ္ေယာက္ျခား သတၱမေျမာက္ ညီ ျဖစ္သူ မန္းဘဆုိင္သည္ ပထမတြင္ ကရင့္ေရးရာ၀န္ႀကီးႏွင့္ ျပည့္သူလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒၊ ထုိမွ ျပည္သူလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ သတိုးသီရိသုဓမၼ မန္းဘဆုုိင္ ျဖစ္လာသည္၊
မန္းဘခုိင္သည္ ငယ္စဥ္က ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕ (ေအဘီအမ္) အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းတြင္ ပညာဆည္းပူးခဲ့သည္၊ ယင္းတုိ႔၏ မ်ိဳးရုိးမွာ ယုန္သလင္းရြာကုိ အေျခခံလ်က္ ၿခံပုိင္ရွင္၊ ေျမ ပုိင္ရွင္ႏွင့္ သူႀကီးမ်ိဳးရုိးပင္ျဖစ္သည္၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ ျဖစ္လာသူ မန္းဘဆုိင္သည္ အမ်ိဳး သားေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးထဲမ၀င္မီ မ်ိဳးရုိးအရ သူႀကီးလုပ္ခဲ့ရာမွ ျမန္မာတစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံးရိိွ သူႀကီးဥကၠ႒ အထိ ျဖစ္လာသည္။ မန္းဘခုိင္၊ မန္းဘဆုိင္၊ ဟုဆုိလွ်င္ ဟသာၤတတစ္နယ္လုံးရိွ ကရင္ ဗမာ အားလုံး ၾကည္ညိဳေလးစားၾကသည့္အျပင္ ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕ေပၚရိွ ဗမားမ်ားက ဦးေလးဘခုိင္၊ ဦးေလးဘဆုိင္ ဟူ၍ ေခၚၾကသည္။
အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိင္သည္ အိမ္ေထာင္ႏွစ္ဆက္ရိွသည္၊ ပထမ ဇနီးေဒၚေအးလုံႏွင့္ သားသမီး (၈)ဦး ထြန္းကားရာ ေယာက်္ားေလး ငါးဦးႏွင့္ မိန္းကေလး သုံး ဦးျဖစ္သည္၊ ဒုတိယအိမ္ေထာင္ ေဒၚခင္နီႏွင့္ သားတစ္ေယာက္ သမီးတစ္ေယာက္ထြန္းကား သည္။ စုစုေပါင္း သူ၏မိဘႏွစ္ပါးကဲ့သုိ႔ပင္ သားသမီး(၁၀)ေယာက္တိတိ ထြန္းကားခဲ့သည္။
ပထမတြင္ အာဇာနည္ေန႕ ေရာက္လွ်င္ အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ အတၳဳပၸတၱိကုိ ေဖာ္ျပရာ၌ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိင္၏ အတၳဳပၸတၱိတြင္ ဒုတိယအိမ္ေထာင္ ေဒၚနီ၏ အမည္ကုိသာ ထုတ္ျပေလ့ရိွသည္၊ ဤသုိ႔ျဖင့္ စားေရးသူသည္ အိမ္ေစာင့္အစုိးရလက္ထက္ ဗုိလ္တေထာင္ သတင္းစာ၌ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိင္၏ ပထမအိမ္ေထာင္အမည္ႏွင့္ သားသမီး(၈)ဦးတုိ႔၏ အမည္ ကုိပါ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးသားလုိက္ရာ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိင္၏ အိမ္ေထာင္ေရးျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ ၿပီးျပည့္ စုံသြားပါေတာ့သည္၊
(ႏုိင္ငံေရး အမ်ိဳးသားေရး)
မန္းဘခုိင္သည္ ပထမတြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ရိွ (ေအစေကာ့) ကုမၸဏီ၌ အမႈထမ္းခဲ့ဖူးသည္၊ ၿပီးလွ်င္ ယုန္သလင္းရြာ၌ စုိက္ပ်ိဳးေရးႏွင့္ အေရာင္းအ၀ယ္လုပ္ငန္းကုိ လုပ္ယင္း၊ လူမႈေရး လုပ္ငန္းတစ္ရပ္အေနႏွင့္ ရြာသူႀကီးလည္း လုပ္ခဲ့ဘူးသည္၊ ထုိမွ တစတစျဖင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ႏုိင္ငံေရးနယ္ပယ္သုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာရာ (၉၁)႒ာန အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေခတ္(၁၉၃၇)ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ပုသိမ္ ေျမာက္ပုိင္း မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္လာသည္။
ထုိစဥ္က ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္၌ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အမတ္ (၁၂)ဦးအနက္ မန္းဘခုိင္ သည္ တစ္ဦးအပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္သည္၊ (၁၉၃၈)ခုႏွစ္ ျပာသုိလဆန္း(၁)ရက္ေန႕ကုိ တရား၀င္ ကရင္ အမ်ိဳးသား ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႕ အျဖစ္ ရရိွရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရာတြင္ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကရင္အမတ္တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္၄င္း၊ ေဒါကလု အသင္း၏ အမႈေဆာင္လူႀကီး တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္၄င္း ပါ၀င္ ခဲ့သည္၊
(၁၉၃၉) ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ႀကီး စတင္လာေသာအခါ မန္းဘခုိ္င္သည္ ယုန္သလင္း ရြာတြင္ ျပန္လည္ေနထုိင္သည္၊ (၁၉၄၀) ျပည့္ႏွစ္၊ မတ္လအတြင္း အိႏၵိယႏုိ္င္ငံ ရမ္းဂါး ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ က်င္းပေသာ အိႏိၵယအမိ်ဳးသား ကြန္ကရက္ ညီလာခံမွ ဗမာ့ထြက္ရပ္ဂုိဏ္း၏ အတြင္းေရးမႈး ျဖစ္ေသာ သခင္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ သခင္းမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာတစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံးသုိ႔ လွည့္လည္ကာ ၿဗိတိသွ်ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးတရား ေဟာေျပာၾက၏၊ ၿဗိတိသွ်အစုိးရသည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၌ အေရးေပၚ ကာကြယ္ေရးဥပေဒကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္၍ သခင္ႏွင့္ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကုိ တရၾကမ္း ဖမ္း ဆီးေလသည္၊ သခင္ေအာင္ဆန္းသည္ ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕ေပၚ၌ ၿဗိတိသွ်ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးတရား ေဟာ ေျပာမႈေၾကာင့္ ္ ဟသၤာတခရုိင္ ရာဇ၀တ္၀န္က ဆုေငြႏွင့္ ဖမ္း၀ရန္း ထုတ္လုိက္ေလသည္၊ ဗမာ့ထြက္ရပ္ဂုိဏ္း၏ အတြင္းေရးမႈးျဖစ္သူ သခင္ေအာင္ဆန္းသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ ေရွ႕တြင္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားရိွေန၍ အဖမ္းမခံပဲ ေဒသခံသခင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္အတူ ယုန္သ လင္းရြာရိွ မန္းဘခုိင္၏အစီအစဥ္ျဖင့္ မန္းဘခုိ္င္တုိ႔၏ ယုန္သလင္းရြာ ငွက္ေပ်ာၿခံ ထဲတြင္ လုံၿခံဳေဘးကင္းစြာ သခင္ေအာင္ဆန္း ပုန္းေအာင္းေနခဲ့သည္၊ (၁၉၄၅) ခုႏွစ္၊ ဖက္စစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး စတင္လာ ေသာအခါတြင္လည္း ဟသၤာတခရုိင္ ဖက္စစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ႒ာနခ်ဳပ္စခန္းကို ယင္း ယုန္သလင္းရြာရွိ မန္းဘခုိင္တုိ႔၏ ငွက္ေပ်ာၿခံမွာ ပင္ အသုံးျပဳခဲ့ၾကသည္။
မန္းဘခုိင္ႏွင့္ စစ္ၿပီးနုိင္ငံေရး
(၁၉၄၅) ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇြန္လအတြင္း စစ္ရႈံးဂ်ပန္တပ္ဖဲြ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားမ်ားအတြင္း တနသၤာရီတုိ္္င္းဘက္တြင္ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ပြားေနစဥ္ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္အခ်ိဳ႕တုိ႔ သည္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရိွလာၾကသည္၊ ဤတြင္ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္အားလုံးတုိ႔၏ တူညီေနေသာ အေတြးအေခၚတစ္ခုမွာ စစ္ၿပီးေခတ္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးရာကို မည္သုိ႔ မည္ပုံ ျပန္လည္ စတင္မည္ဆုိသည့္ ကိစၥပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ သုိ႕ျဖင့္ (၁၉၄၅)ခု ဇြန္လ(၃၀)ရက္ေန႔မွ ဇူလုိင္(၅)ရက္ေန႔အထိ အမွတ္(၅၂၈) ေအာက္ၾကည့္ျမည္တုိင္လမ္းတြင္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားထု အစည္းအေ၀းတစ္ရပ္ကုိ ေခၚဆုိလုိက္ ၾကသည္၊ ယင္းအစည္းအေ၀းသုိ႔ တနသၤာရီတုိင္းတြင္ရိွေသာ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားမွလဲြ၍ က်န္ေဒသမ်ားမွ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အစုံအညီတက္ေရာက္လာၾကသည္။ယင္းကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားထု အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ ယခင္ရိွေနေသာ ေဒါကလု အသင္းႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ပထမစဥ္းစားၾကရ၏၊ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ စစ္အတြင္း ယင္းအဖဲြ႕မွာ ရပ္ဆုိင္းသြား ရုံမွ်မက လက္ရိွ ရိွေနေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အမ်ားစုသည္လည္း အုိမင္းမစြမ္းျဖစ္ၾကသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရသျဖင့္ ေရွ႕အနာဂတ္တြင္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးေဆာင္ ရြက္ရန္ အသင္းအဖဲြ႕တစ္ခုလုိ အပ္ေၾကာင္းကုိ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ယင္းသုိ႔ ကရင္အဖဲြ႕အစည္းတစ္ရပ္ မဖဲြ႕ႏုိင္ေသးမီ ေဆာင္ရြက္စရာရိွသည္မ်ားကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ေစရန္ ဗဟုိကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အႀကံေပးဘုတ္အဖဲြ႕ (Karen Central Advisory Board) ကုိ ဖဲြ႕စည္းခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ယင္းသုိ႔ျဖင့္ (၁၉၄၅) ခုႏွစ္၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ(၁၅) ရက္ေန႕တြင္ ဂ်ပန္က လက္နက္ခ်လုိက္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာလုိက္သျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အပါ၀င္ ကမၻာ့အေရွ႕ ဘက္ျခမ္း၌ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ ၿပီးဆုံးသြားေလသည္၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၁၉)ရက္ေန႕တြင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးအတြက္ ဖတပလ (ဖဆပလ) အဖဲြ႕မွႀကီးမႈးေသာ -ေနသူရိန္- အစည္းအေ၀းႀကီးကုိ က်င္းပသည္၊ ယင္း အစည္းအေ၀းမွ ဗဟုိဦးစီးအဖဲြ႕၀င္အျဖစ္ (၃၆)ဦး အား ေရႊးခ်ယ္ခန္႕အပ္ရာတြင္ ကရင္ အမ်ိဳးသား အႀကံေပးဘုတ္အဖဲြ႕၀င္ျဖစ္ၾကေသာ မန္း ဘခုိင္၊ ေစာဘဦးႀကီးႏွင့္ ဆရာ သာထုိတုိ႔ က ဗဟုိဦးစီးအဖဲြ႕၀င္မ်ား ျဖစ္လာၾကသည္။
ထုိမွ ေအာက္တုိဘာလေရာက္လွ်င္ ေအာက္တုိဘာ(၁)ရက္ေန႔မွ (၃)ရက္ေန႔ အထိ ၾကည့္ျမည္တုိင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ဦးလူနီလမ္းရိွ အိမ္အမွတ္(၂)၌ အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ဗဟုိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳး သား အႀကံေပးဘုတ္အဖဲြ႕အစည္းအေ၀းကုိ က်င္းပခဲ့သည္၊ ထုိအစည္း အေ၀းတြင္ ယခင္ ဗဟုိကရင္အႀကံေပးဘုတ္အဖဲြ႕အစား ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားဗဟုိအဖဲြ႕ ခ်ဳပ္ (Karen Central Organization) ဟူ၍ ေခၚေ၀ၚဖဲြ႕စည္းခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ယင္း (K.C.O) ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအဖဲြ႕သည္ ေဒါကလု အသင္းၿပီးလွ်င္ စစ္ၿပီးေခတ္၌ ပထမဖဲြ႕စည္းခဲ့ သည့္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အဖဲြ႕အစည္း တစ္ခုပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
မန္းဘခုိင္သည္ (K.C.O) အဖဲြ႕၏ ေကာ္မတီအမႈေဆာင္လူႀကီးအျဖစ္ ေစာျမ သိန္းႏွင့္ အတူေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကၿပီး (K.Y.O) ေခၚ Karen Youth Organization အဖဲြ႕မွာ လည္း မန္းဘ ခုိင္သည္ ဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ပါသည္၊ (၁၉၄၇)ခုႏွစ္၊ ဧၿပီလ (၉) ရက္ေန႕တြင္ က်င္းပ ေသာ တုိင္းျပည္ျပဳလႊတ္ေတာ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြသုိ႔ မန္းဘခုိင္ႏွင့္ မန္း၀င္းေမာင္တုိ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေေသာ (K.Y.O) က ၀င္ေရာက္ရာ ၀န္ႀကီးမန္းဘခုိ္င္ သည္ မိမိဇာတိ ဟသၤာတကရင္ သီးသန္႔ မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွ ေရြးခ်ယ္ျခင္းခံရသည္၊ သုိ႔ျဖစ္၍ မန္းဘခုိင္သည္ အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္အျဖစ္ က်ဆုံးခ်ိန္တြင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ၾကားျဖတ္အစုိးရအဖဲြ႕တြင္ အလုပ္သမားႏွင့္ စက္မႈ လက္မႈ၀န္ႀကီး႒ာန၏ ၀န္ႀကီးလည္း ျဖစ္၊ တုိင္းျပည္ျပဳလႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ႏွင့္ (K.Y.O) ဥကၠ႒ လည္းျဖစ္ေလသည္၊ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအစုိးရကုိ ဖဲြ႕စည္းတည္ေထာင္ေသာအခါ တြင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းသည္ မန္းဘခုိင္၏ တည္ၾကည္ထက္ျမက္မႈအရ ဒုတိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ အထိ ခန္႕အပ္ရန္ ရည္ရြက္ခ်က္ရိွေၾကာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းက ဖြင့္ဟေျပာဆုိခဲ့ဘူးသည္။
ဆရာေမာင္စင္ၾကယ္
Monday, August 4, 2008
Finding Your Way
Each of us, in our own way, in our own time will awaken and
remember who and what we really are. The first step in that process
often comes in the form of a question. Who am I and/or what am I
doing here?
It is a solitary journey no one can take for us. It is solitary,
but we are not alone. We never were and never can be.
As a species we seem most comfortable with rules, signs posts and a
familiar, well worn path. Fear arises when we are in unknown
territory and have to find our own way.
We have come to a point in our evolution that traditional pathways
no longer serve us. It is time to go beyond the end of the road and
find our own path.
Find things that work for you. Create bookends for your day. Take
time each morning and evening to connect with your divinity. Find
rituals that work for you, perhaps take time to meditate. Find a
practice that helps you feel the energy of love that lives within
and surrounds you. Write, dance, draw, sing, laugh, cry, take long
walks in nature, run naked through your house, go to church, sit in
the energy of worship, practice worshiping yourself, look in the
mirror and connect with yourself, hold a baby, cuddle a teddy bear,
help a homeless person, do random acts of kindness and don't get
caught, love, journal - do it all - do none of it. Adopt a rock -
the list is endless.
Find what works for you and do it. Remember you are in the process
of awakening to a world filled with love and a universe that is
absolutely safe and abundant. It is a world worth finding.
Sunday, August 3, 2008
why we are so different ?
-All things are difficult before they are easy...
-To teach is to learn twice...
-A rich person is not the one who has the most, but the one who needs the least.
-The only thing that comes to us w/o effort is old age..
are you still complaining?
Observe around you and be thankful for all that you have in this transitory lifetime.
We are fortunate, we have much more than what we need to be content.
Let’s try not to feed this endless cycle of consumerism and immorality in which this
“Modern and advanced” society forgets and ignores the other two thirds of our brothers and sisters
Let’s us complaining less and give more!
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္;
The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the military branch of the Karen National Union (KNU). At the time of Burma's independence from the British in 1948, there was considerable tension between the Karen community and Burma. Some Karens sought independence while others attempted co-existence within Burma. In early 1949, portions of a socialist political militia raised by the government went on a rampage in Karen civilian areas. The Burmese government then arrested the Karen leader of the armed forces and replaced him with radical Burmese anti-Karen nationalist Ne Win. This action led to civil war with some Karen units of the Burma Army coming over to the side of the Karen political leaders and others being imprisoned by the government.
Early in the fighting, Karen forces overran much of Northern Burma including towns such as Mandalay and established strong positions outside Rangoon at Insein. But lacking a port from which to receive military supplies, the Karen forces gradually withdrew to the southeast of Burma. Since that time, the KNLA has been fighting for an independent state, called Kawthoolei, to be located in eastern Burma near the border with Thailand and in other places with large Karen populations.
ကမၻာေပၚတြင္ သက္တမ္းအရွည္ဆုံး အာဏာရွင္ကုိ ေတာ္လွန္သူမ်ား
The Karen National Union (KNU) is an armed group operating in the border area between Burma and Thailand. In Karen, this area is called Kawthoolei. The KNU has been fighting the Burmese government since 1948 through its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).
The KNU was dominated in the last three decades by Bo Mya, who was president from 1976-2000. The KNU was for many years able to fund its activities by controlling black market trade across the border with Thailand. After the failed 8888 Uprising of the Burmese people in 1988, the Burmese military government turned to China for help. Various economic concessions were offered to China in exchange for weapons. The Burmese Army was massively expanded and began to offer deals to groups fighting the government. The groups were offered the choice of cooperating with the military junta or being destroyed.
The KNU's effectiveness was severely diminished after the fall of its headquarters at Manerplaw, near the Thai border, in 1994. At that time, a group of Buddhist soldiers in the KNLA went over to the side of the Burmese military junta. This group, known as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), was given territory inside of Burma to rule over in exchange. They played a significant part in the capture of Manerplaw. While the DKBA claims to be fighting against anti-Buddhist discrimination inside the KNU, it is in practice the small private army of a warlord in alliance with the Burmese military junta.[citation needed]. Pado Mahn Shar, the secretary-general of the union was shot dead in his home in Mae Sot, Thailand, on February 14, 2008, possibly by soldiers of the DKBA. [1][2][3]
Since then, the KNU and KNLA have continued to fight the Burma state military (Tatmadaw) by forming guerilla units and basing themselves in temporary jungle camps on the Thai-Burmese border. Following its principle of no surrender, the KNU continues despite a precarious state of existence. Nonetheless, their fight continues to garner the sympathy of the international community since the KNU represent the Karen people, one of the many ethnic nationalities of Burma that are experiencing ethnic cleansing under the military regime's Four Cuts campaigns (Pya Ley Pya), a strategy where intelligence, finances, food and recruits are eliminated through a scorched-earth policy.[citation needed]
Several attempts have been made to conclude a form of peace with Burma's military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but with little success. The 2004 peace talks yieled only an informal ceasefire which the regime used to reinforce their frontline troops. Analysts realized this was a ruse, and sure enough, offensives against KNU held areas have resumed in earnest.
The Karen conflict is the longest war of independence in the world, having been waged for 58 years.
Monday, July 28, 2008
History of the Karens and KNU
We, the Karens of Burma, have been cornered into fighting against the ruling Burmese Governments for the past forty-three years. Holding the reins of all organs of the state, and in full control of the press, radio, and television, the successive ruling Burmese Governments form U Nu’s AFPFL (Anti-fascist People’s Freedom League) to the present Military Junta headed by General Than Shwe and his State Law and Order Restoration Council(SLORC), have always painted us as black as they can. They have branded us insurgents, war mongers, a handful of border smugglers, black-marketeers and stooges of both the communists and the imperialists. Even so, to the extent of our ability we have always tried to refute the nefarious one-sided Burman propaganda of false accusations and make the true facts of our cause known to he world. In fighting against the ruling Burmese Government, we are not being motivated by narrow nationalism, nor by ill-will towards the Burmese Government or the Burman people. Our struggle was instigated neither by the capitalist world nor by the communists, as some have falsely accused us. It has an originality completely of its own. Throughout history, the Burman have been practicing annihilation, absorption and assimilation(3 A’s) against the Karens and they are still doing so today. In short, they are waging a genocidal war against us. Thus we have been forced to fight for our very existence and survival.In this document we venture to present a concise outline of the Karens’ struggle for freedom; the Karen case, which we consider just, righteous and noble. We hope that through it, the world may come to know the true situation of the Karens, a forgotten people who continue to fight for our freedom intensively, single-handendly and without aid of any kind from anyone.
Karen National Union(KNU)
Kawthoolei
I) The Karens, A Nation, Their Nature and History
The Karens are much more than a national minority. We are a nation with a population of 7 million, having all the essential qualities of a nation. We have our own history, our own language, our own culture, our own land of settlement and our own economic system of life. By nature the Karens are simple, quiet, unassuming and peace loving people, who uphold the high moral qualities of honesty, purity, brotherly love, co-operative living and loyalty, and are devout in their religious beliefs. Historically, the Karens descend from the same ancestors as the Mongolian people. The earliest Karens (or Yangs as called by the Thais), settled in Htee-Hset Met Ywa (Land of Flowing Sands), a land bordering the source of the Yang-tse-Kiang river in the Gobi Desert. From there, we migrated southwards and gradually entered the land now known as Burma about 739 B.C.. We were, according to most historians, the first settlers in this new land. The Karens named this land Kaw-Lah, meaning the Green Land. We began to peacefully clear and till our land from all hindrances. Our labors were fruitful and we were very happy with our lot. So we changed the name of the land to Kawthoolei, a pleasant, plentiful and peaceful country. Here we lived characteristically simple, uneventful and peaceful lives, until the advent of the Burman.
II) Pre World War II Eras: Burman Feudalism, British Imperialism and Japanese Fascism
We the Karens could not enjoy our peaceful lives for long. The Mons were the next to enter this area, followed at their heels by the Burman. Both the Mons and Burman brought with them feudalism, which they practised to the full. The Burman later won the feudal war, and they subdued and subjugated all other nationalities in the land. The Karens suffered untold miseries at the hands of their Burman lords. Persecution, torture and killings, spppression, oppression and exploitation were othe order of the day. To mention a few historical facts as evidence, we may refer to the Burman subjugation of the Mons and the Arakanese, and especially their past atrocities against the Thais at Ayudhaya. These events stand as firm evidence of the Burman feudalism, so severe that those victimized peoples continue to harbour a deep -seated resentment of the Burman today.
At the time, many Karens had to flee for their lives to the high mountains and thick jungles, where communications and means of livelihood were extremely difficult and diseases common. We were thus cut off from all progress, civilization and the rest of the world, and were gradually reduced to backward hill tribes. The rest of the Karens were made slaves. We were forced to do hard labour and were cruelly treated.
When the Brithish occupied Burma, the conditions of the Karens gradually improved. With the introduction of law and order by the Colonial Central Authority, the Karens began to earn their living without being hindered, and we could go to school and be educated. This infuriated the Burman, to see the despised Karens being treated equally by the British. Progress of the Karens in almost all fields was fast, and by the beginning of the 20th Century, the Karens were ahead of other peoples in many respects, expecially in education, athletics and music. It could be said that the Karens had a breathing spell during the period of the British Regime. But during the Second World War, in 1942, the Japanese invaded Burma with the help of the Burma Independence Army(BIA), who led them into the country. These BIA troops took full advantage of the situation by insinuating that the Karens were spies and puppets of the British, and therefore were enemies of the Japanese and the Burman. With the help of the Japanese, they began to attack the Karen villages, using a scheme to wipe out the entire Karen populace which closely resembled the genocidal scheme Hitler was enacting against the Jews in Germany. The Karens in many parts of the country were arrested, tortured and killed. Our properties were looted, our womenfolk raped and killed, and our hearths and homes burned. Conditions were so unbearable that in some areas the Karens retaliated fiercely enough to attract the attention of the Japanese Government, which mediated and somewhat controlled the situation.
Post-World War II Eras: Demand for the Karen State, Tensions and Armed Conflicts
The Bitter experiences of the Karens throughout our history in Burma, especially during the second World War , taught us one lesson. They taught us that as a nation, unless we control a state of our own, we will never experience a life of peace and decency, free from persecution and oppression. We will never be allowed to work hard, to grow and prosper.
Soon after the Second World War, all the nations under colonial rule were willed with national aspirations for independence. The Karen sent a Goodwill Mission to England in August 1946, to make the Karen case know to the British Government and the British people, and to ask for a true Karen State. But the reply of the British Labor Government was “to throw our lot with the Burman.” We deeply regretted this, for as it predictably has turned out today, it was a gesture grossly detrimental to our right of self-determination, only condemning us to further oppression. It is extremely difficult for the Karens and the Burmans, two peoples with diametrically opposite views, outlooks, attitudes and mentalities, to yoke together.
However, differences in nature and mentality are not the main reason for our refusal to throw in our lot with the Burman. There are other more important reasons for sticking to our demand for our own State within a genuine Federal Union.
1. We are concerned that the tactics of annihilation, absorption and assimilation, which have be practiced in the past upon all other nationalities by the Burman rulers, will be continued by the Burman of the future as long as they are in power.
2. We are concerned about the postwar independence Aung Sun-Atlee and Nu-Atlee Agreements, as there was no Karen representative in either delegation and no Karen opinion was sought. The most that the Burman would allow us to have was a pseudo Karen State, which falls totally under Burman authority. In that type of Karen State, we must always live in fear of their cruel abuse of that authority over us.
On January 4, 1948, Burma got its independence from the British. The Karens continued to ask for self-determination democratically and peacefully from the Burmese Government The Karen State requested by the Karens was comprised of the Irrawaddy Division, the Tenasserim Division, the Hantha waddy District, Insein District and the Nyauglebin Sub-Division, the areas where the bulk of the Karen populace could be found. But instead of compromising with the Karens by peaceful negotiations concerning the Karen case, the Burmese Government and the Burmese Press said many negative things about us, especially by frequently repeating their accusations that the Karens are puppets of the British and enemies of the Burman. The Burmese Government agitated the Burman people toward communal clashes between the Karens and the Burman. Another accusation against the Karens demand was that it not the entire Karen people who desired a Karen state, but a handful of British lackeys who wanted the ruin of the Union of Burma.
To counter the accusations and show the world that it was the whole Karen people’s desire for a Karen state, a peaceful demonstration by the Karens all over the country was staged on February 11, 1948, in which over 400,000 Karen took part. The banners carried in the procession contained four slogans, namely: 1.Give the Karen State at once 2. Show Burman one Kyat and Karen one Kyat 3. Wedo not want communal strife. 4. We do not want civil war.
The slogans of the Karen in this mass demonstration voiced the same desire as the three slogans of the British Colonies after the Second World War: Liberty, Equality, and Peace. We followed the established democratic procedures in our request for a Karen state.
A few months after Burma got its independence, successive desertions in the AFPFL put U Nu, the then Premier, in grave trouble. The revolts of the Red Flag Communist Party in 1947, the Communist Party of Burma in March 1948, the People’s Volunteer Organization in June 1948, and the mutinies of the 1St... Burma Rifles stationed at Thayetmyo and the 3rd Burma Rifles stationed at Mingladon, Rangoon(August 15, 1948), prompted U Nu to approach the Karen leaders to help the Government by taking up the security of Rangoon, and save it from peril. The Karens did not take advantage of the situation, but readily complied to U Nu’s request and helped him out of his predicament. The KNDO(Karen National Defence Organization), officially recognized by the Burmese Government, was posted at all the strategic positions and all the roads and routes leading to Rangoon. For months the KNDO faithfully took charge of the security of Rangoon.
The KNDO was given several tasks in forming an outer ring of defence, particularly at Hlegu an Twante. Most important of all was the reoccupation of Twante town, Rangoon’s key riverain gateway to the Delta towns an upper Burma. this little town had fallen several times to the communists. Each time it was retaken by regular troops, only to fall back into the hands of the rebels as soon as conditions returned to normal and control was handed back to the civil authorities and the police. This time, a KNDO unit under the leadership of Bo Toe and Bo Aung Min was ordered to retake Twante, which was once more in the hands of the Red Flag Communists. They succeeded with their own resources and without any support from the regular army other than river transport. After wresting the town from the Red Flag Communists hands, they garrisoned it in accordance with their given orders.
The two Burma Rifles that had mutinied marched down south, unopposed along the way until they reached Kyungale bridge, near the town of Let pa-dan, where they were stopped by a company of Karen UMP(union Military police). Their truck carrying arms and ammunition received a direct hit from mortar five of the Karen UMP and was destroyed. So, they retreated after suffering heavy casualties.
But even while all this was happening, the ungrateful Burmese Government was hastily organizing a strong force of levies to make an all-out effort to smash the Karens. By December 1948, they arrested the Karen leaders in many parts of the country. Karen personnel in the armed services were disarmed and put into jail. General Smith Dun, General Officer Commanding(GOC) of the Burma Army, was forced to resign.. Many Karen villages were attacked and many Karen hearths and homes burnt and destroyed. On the 30th of January 1949, the Burmese Government declared the KNDO unlawful. Early the nest morning on the 31st of January, the Burmese troops attacked the KNDO Headquarters at Insein, a town about 10 mile north of Rangoon, where most of the top Karen leaders lived. There was no alternative left for the Karens but to fight back. An order was issued to all the Karens throughout the country to take up whatever armsthey could find and fight for their lives, their honor, and their long cherished Karen state: Kawthoolie.
When we took up arms, we attained great successes and occupied many towns and cities. We soon suffered military reverses, however, as we had not prepared for revolution and therefore, had now stockpile of arms and ammunition. We had to withdraw from many fronts, this allowing Burmese troops to reoccupy these areas. Compounding this, the Burmese Government called for unity with all the other uprising Burman rebel groups. These Burman rebel groups saw the Karens as the greatest obstacle to their seizing exclusive power and they joined hands with the Burmese Government and fought against the Karens. As a result, the Karens found themselves fighting against all the armed elements in the country.
Another reason for our setbacks was that all along, we had to stand on our own feet and fight alone without aid of any kind form any other country. In contrast, the Burmese Government received large amounts of foreign aid, including military aid from both capitalist and socialist countries and even form some so-called non-aligned nations. Many times then and since the situation of the Burmese Government has been precarious, but it has managed to continue mainly through aid from abroad. Many times it has been in dire straits, but it has not been ashamed to go begging. And as hard as it is for us to believe, its begging bowls have always come back filled.
Present Day Situation: The Karens Under Successive Burmese Regimes, The Revolutionary Areas, and the Present Situation(Editor’s note: this period covers the time up to July 1992 only. Things have changed dramatically since then)
Under the rule of the Burman, the Karens have been oppressed politically, economically, and culturally. In education, the Karen schools and institutions were taken by force and many were destroyed. We are no longer allowed to study our own language in Burmese schools. Many of the Karen newspapers and literary books were banned. Economically, our fields and plots of land were nationalized and confiscated. We have to toil hard all year round and have to take all our products to the Burmese Government for sale at its controlled prices, leaving little for ourselves. Culturally, they have attempted to absorb and dissolve our language, literature, traditions, and customs. We have been denied all political rights and militarily, our people have all along been systematically exterminated as part of the annihilation, absorption, and assimilation program of the Burman. Our educational quality and living standards have dropped considerably, falling far behind the Burman in all respects. There efforts and actions against us are as strong, or stronger, today as ever before in the past.
Since the 1960’s, they have been attacking us with the “Four Cuts Operations.” The four cuts includes cutting our lines for supplying provisions, cutting the line of contact between the masses and the revolutionaries, cutting all revolutionary financial income and resources, and cutting off the heads of all revolutionaries. To make the four cuts operation successful, the Burmese troops are using strong suppressive measures. They destroy the fields of crops planted by the villagers and eat their grains and livestock. They take away whatever they like and destroy the things they cannot carry away. Captured villagers, men as well as women and adolescents, are made to carry heavy loads as porters for the Burmese soldiers. Many of the villagers have been forced to work a porters for several months; they are deliberately starved, and regularly beaten, raped, or murdered. When the Burmese soldiers enter a village, they shoot the villagers who try to escape. Some of the villagers have been accused of helping the revolutionaries and then have been killed. In certain areas, the villagers have been forced to leave their villages and have been moved to camps some distance away. They are not permitted to leave the camps without permission from the Burmese guards. Some of the villagers, who have been found in their villages after being ordered to move to the camps, have been shot and killed by the Burmese soldiers with no questions asked.
Situations such as these and sometimes worse are happening constantly throughout Kawthoolei and are causing a large number of Karens and Shans in Kawthoolei to leave their villages and take refuge along the Thai border: a difficult situation for us, as we do not have enough money to provide for these refugees. In spite of these situations we are determined to progress. Even though there is no end of the war in sight, and we are unable to obtain assistance from other countries, we are moving forward the best we can.
During this long and grueling forty-three years of war, we have seen many changes take place in our revolution. The strong will and determination of our fighting forces and our masses to fight to win the war have increased. We have been able to endure hardships, both physically and mentally. We have grown in strength; not only in quantity but also in quality. Our masses have shown more cooperation by participating in the battlefields to fight against the enemy in various ways. Our people from towns and cities in enemy occupied areas have joined our revolution in great numbers. Many Karens who are University graduates have joined us, thus enriching the quality of our revolution. Villagers throughout Kawthoolei are active in support roles, while the morale, discipline, and military skills of our fighting forces have increased. We have been able to inflict greater setbacks on the enemy in all our military engagements.
Burma is a multi-national country, inhabited also by the Kachin, Arkanese, Karenni, Lahu, Mon, Pa-O, Palaung, Shan, and Wa, etc. After independence, these ethnic races were also denied the basic rights of freedom, self-determination, and democracy. Hence, almost all the other nationalities in Burma have also taken up arms to fight against the Burmese Government for their own self-determination, and are now united in the National Democratic Front(NDF). There are now altogether nine members in the National Democratic Front, namely: 1.Arakan Liberation Party(ALP) 2.Chin National Front(CNF) 3.Kachin Independence Organization 4.Karen National Union(KNU) 4. Karennie National Progressive Party(KNPP) 6. Kayan New Land Party(KNLP) 7. Lahu National Organization(LNO) 8. New Mon State Party(NMSP) 9. Wa National Organization(WNO).
The consolidated National Democratic Front (NDF has resolved to form a genuine Federal Union, comprised of all the states of the nationalities in Burma, including a Burman state, on the basis of liberty, equality and social progress. The NDF is determined to fight on until victory is achieved, and requests the people of all classes and all walks of life to join hands and fight the Ne Win-Than Shwe military dictatorship.
By 1988, the oppression of Ne Win’s military regime had become so severe that even the Burman masses rose up against it. The regime’s response was to gun down thousands of peaceful demonstrators, mainly young students and monks. Even so Ne Win could not subdue them, and he was forced to resign, seemingly handing over power to his chosen successors in the State Law and Order Restoration Council(SLORC), but continuing to pull the strings of power from behind the scenes. The SLORC promised a multi-party election and held it in 1990, only to persecute and imprison the winners rather than hand over state power to them. Thousands of Burmese students, monks, and other dissidents fled to the areas governed by NDF member organizations. There they were accepted and sheltered by the ethnic peoples, particularly in the Karen areas, where no less than 6,000 students arrived along with other dissidents, all wanting to organize and struggle against the SLORC. In late 1988, the KNU took the initiative in proposing that the NDF form a broader political front along with the newly formed Burman groups to meet the developing political situation. The other NDF members agreed, and the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) was formed, including all the members of the NDF as well as groups such as the All Burma Students’ Front (ABSDF) and the All Burma Young Monks’ union(ABYMU). The DAB unitedly committed itself to the following four principles: 1. The removal of the military dictators. 2. The establishment of democratic government. 3. The cessation of civil war and the establishment of internal peace. 4. The establishment of National Unity and a genuine federal union.
This marks the firstime that the people of all races, even the Burmans, have been united in trying to throw off the yoke of an oppressive Burmese regime.
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